Harsh Turkish condemnation of Xinjiang cracks Muslim wall of silence
By James
M. Dorsey
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In
perhaps the most significant condemnation to date of China’s brutal crackdown
on Turkic Muslims in its north-western province of Xinjiang. Turkey’s foreign
ministry demanded
this weekend that Chinese authorities respect human rights of the Uighurs and
close what it termed “concentration camps” in which up to one
million people are believed to be imprisoned.
Calling
the crackdown an
“embarrassment to humanity,” Turkish Foreign Ministry spokesman Hami
Aksoy said the death of detained Uighur poet and musician Abdurehim Heyit had
prompted the ministry to issue its statement.
Known as
the Rooster of Xinjiang, Mr. Heyit
symbolized the Uighurs’ cultural links to the Turkic world,
according to Adrian Zenz, a European School of Culture and Theology researcher
who has done pioneering work on the crackdown.
Turkish
media asserted that Mr. Heyit, who was serving an eight-year prison sentence, had
been tortured to
death.
Mr.
Aksoy said Turkey was calling on other countries and United Nations
Secretary-General Antonio Guterres to take steps to end the “humanitarian
tragedy” in Xinjiang.
The Chinese embassy
in Ankara rejected the statement as a “violation of the facts,”
insisting that China was fighting seperatism, extremism and terrorism, not
seeking to “eliminate” the Uighurs’ ethnic, religious or cultural identity.
Mr.
Aksoy’s statement contrastèd starkly with President
Recep Tayyip Erdogan’s declaration six months earlier that China was Turkey’s
economic partner of the future. At the time, Turkey had just secured
a US$3.6 billion loan for its energy and telecommunications sector from the
Industrial and Commercial Bank of China (ICBC).
The
Turkish statement constitutes the first major crack in the Muslim wall of
silence that has enabled the Chinese crackdown, the most frontal assault on
Islam in recent memory. The statement’s significance goes beyond developments
in Xinjiang.
Like
with Muslim
condemnation of US President Donald J. Trump’s decision last year to recognize Jerusalem
as the capital of Israel, Turkey appears to be wanting to be seen as a
spokesman of the Muslim world in its one-upmanship with Saudi Arabia and to a
lesser degree Iran.
While
neither the kingdom or Iran are likely to follow Turkey’s example any time
soon, the statement raises the stakes and puts other contenders for leadership
on the defensive.
The bulk
of the Muslim world has remained conspicuously silent with only Malaysian
leaders willing to speak out and set an example by last year rejecting Chinese
demands that a group of Uighur asylum seekers be extradited to China.
Malaysia instead allowed the group to go to Turkey.
The
Turkish statement came days after four Islamist members of the Kuwaiti
parliament organized the
Arab world’s first public protest against the crackdown.
By
contrast, Pakistani
officials backed off initial criticism and protests in countries
like Bangladesh and India have been at best sporadic.
Like the Turkish statement, a disagreement between major
Indonesian religious leaders and the government on how to respond to the crackdown raises questions about sustainability of the wall of silence.
Rejecting a call on the government to condemn the crackdown
by the Indonesian Ulema Council,
the country’s top clerical body, Indonesian vice-president Jusuf Kalla insisted
that the government would not interfere in the
internal affairs of others.
The council was one of the first, if not the
first, major Muslim religious body to speak out on the issues of the Uighurs.
Its non-active chairman and spiriitual leader of Nahdlaltul Ulama, the world’s
largest Muslim organization, Ma’ruf Amin, is running as
President Joko Widodo’s vice-presidential candidate in elections in April.
The
Turkish statement could have its most immediate impact in Central Asia, which
like Turkey has close ethnic and cultural ties to Xinjiang, and is struggling
to balance relations with China with the need to be seen to be standing up for
the rights of its citizens and ethnic kin.
In
Kazakhstan, Turkey’s newly found assertiveness towards China could make
it more difficult for the government to return to China Sayragul Sautbay,
a Chinese national of ethnic Kazakh descent and a former re-education camp
employee who fled illegally to Kazakhstan to join her husband and child.
Ms.
Sautbay, who stood trial in Kazakhstan last year for illegal entry, is the only
camp instructor to
have worked in a
reeducation camp in Xinjiang teaching inmates Mandarin and Communist Party
propaganda and spoken publicly about it.
She has
twice been refused asylum in Kazakhstan and is appealing the decision. China is
believed to be demanding that she be handed back to the Xinjiang authorities.
Similarly,
Turkey’s statement could impact the fate of Qalymbek
Shahman, a Chinese businessman of Kazakh descent, who is being held at the
airport in the Uzbek capital of Tashkent after being denied entry
into Kazakhstan.
"I
was born in Emin county in China's Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region to a
farming family. I wanted to go to Kazakhstan, because China's human rights
record was making life intolerable. I would have my ID checked every 50 to 100
meters when I was in Xinjiang, This made me extremely anxious, and I couldn't
stand it anymore," Mr. Shahman said in a video clip sent to Radio Free
Asia from Tashkent airport.
A guide
for foreign businessmen, Mr. Shahman said he was put out of business by the
continued checks that raised questions in the minds of his clients and persuaded
local businessmen not to work with him.
Said Mr.
Zenz, the Xinjiang scholar, commenting on the significance of the Turkish
statement: “A major outcry among the Muslim world was a key missing piece in
the global Xinjiang row. In my view, it seems that China’s
actions in Xinjiang are finally crossing a red line among the world’s
Muslim communities, at least in Turkey, but quite possibly elsewhere.”
Dr.
James M. Dorsey is a senior fellow at the S. Rajaratnam School of International
Studies, co-director of the University of Würzburg’s Institute for Fan Culture,
and co-host of the New Books in Middle Eastern Studies podcast.
James is the author of The Turbulent World
of Middle East Soccer blog, a book with the same title and a co-authored
volume, Comparative Political Transitions between Southeast Asia and
the Middle East and North Africa as well as Shifting
Sands, Essays on Sports and Politics in the Middle East and North Africa
and recently published China
and the Middle East: Venturing into the Maelstrom
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