Achieving religious harmony in a world of fear and populism
By James M. Dorsey
Edited version of remarks made at the Inter-Religious
Organization Singapore, 1 October 2018
This is a tough time for men and women of the cloth, at
least those whose message is one of peace, tolerance, mutual respect, equality and
inter-faith dialogue.
Underlying the rise of populism, nationalism, protectionism,
fear of the other, anti-migrant and anti-foreigner sentiment, and hate speech
is an erosion of the norms of debate. Articulation of hate speech has become
permissible, if not fashionable. Often blunt and crude language employed by
leaders, politicians and some people of the cloth help shape an environment in
which civility has been lost.
Intolerant, racist and supremacist have risen in significance
even in democratic societies that project themselves as open, tolerant
guarantors of equal rights irrespective of nationality, ethnicity, religion, colour
or sexuality. Suppressing those voices through laws and bans drives hate speech
and racism underground, it doesn’t erase or eradicate it. Countering it with a
message of tolerance and mutual respect won’t erase it either but can help
shape an environment in which those principles become dominant again.
Let’s face it, prejudice is a fact of life. Its inbred in
whatever culture each of us adheres to and whatever education at home and in
schools that we have enjoyed, irrespective of how conservative or liberal our
family and societal backgrounds are. We all were raised on implicit or more
explicit notions that our culture is best or by implication other cultures are
not as good.
In other words, prejudice is not the issue, its how we deal
with it, how we manage it. The problem arises when we lose our sense of
relativity, when we adopt an absolutist approach, the high way or no way. It
arises when pluralism is thrown out the window and we abandon the notion that
our world is populated by a multitude of equally valid faiths, worldviews and
belief systems.
To quote Mahatma Gandhi, a deeply religious Hindu, who said
in 1942: “I believe with my soul that the God of the Qur’an is also the God of
Gita and that we are all, no matter by what name designated, children of the
same God. My whole soul rebels against the idea that Hinduism and Islam
represent two antagonistic cultures… To ascent to such a doctrine is for me a
denial of God.”
In the battles in the late 1940s and 1950s over a proposed
national ban in India on the slaughter of cows, Gandhi declared himself a
worshipper of cows whom he regarded with the same veneration as he viewed his
mother. Yet, Gandhi, went on to say that “the Hindu religion prohibits cow
slaughter for the Hindus, not for the world. The religious prohibition comes
from within. Any imposition from without means compulsion. Such compulsion is
repugnant to religion.”
On a visit in 1942 to a German camp populated by Indian
prisoners of war captured from the British during fighting in North Africa,
Subhas Chandra Bose, a deeply religious leader of the Indian independence
movement, reportedly warned inmates that “if you use religion to unite yourself
today, you leave the door open for someone to divide you later using the same
sentiments.”
Recent history validates Bose’s warning, not only in India
and Pakistan, but across the globe expressed in Islamophobia, anti-Semitism,
and anti-Shiism, just to name a few, as well as in conflicts, wars and brutal
repression in places like Syria, Yemen and the north-western Chinese province
of Xinjiang.
Many of you represent faiths with multiple sects, legal
schools and interpretations – proof that your belief system in the narrow
context of that system is open to multiple interpretation. Some of those
interpretations may be intolerant, anti-pluralistic, supremacist. They too are
a fact of life, like it or not. Countering them depends on the social
environment one creates, a sphere within which men and women of the cloth have
an important role to play as well. It is also a function of the social and
economic policies implemented by governments.
Indeed, the key is not suppression, what is suppressed
doesn’t go away, at best it goes into hibernation, only to re-emerge at some
point in the future. The key is containment, communities and societies that
make discriminatory, racist, supremacist expressions socially taboo. That key
is not enforcement by force of law but by social custom and an environment in
which those expressions are continuously challenged in public debate, social
settings and individual encounters. I am not talking about political
correctness that stifles debate.
Leaving aside those whose beliefs are absolute and
intolerant of any other view, a majority of people gravitate towards the
middle. It’s what some call moral shock or what former trader Nassim Nicholas
Taleb dubbed black swans coupled with economic, social and societal uncertainty
and political manipulation that drives people towards more literal, absolutist,
intolerant beliefs.
It is those circumstances in which normally tolerant
communities and societies become more amenable to those beliefs. It’s what
allows men like Slobodan Milosevic or Bashar al-Assad to turn societies where
inter-communal relations and inter-marriage were the norm into wastelands in
which one community tries to exterminate the other.
Think of Bosnia Herzegovina in the 1990s that seemingly
transformed overnight from a beacon of harmony into a hell or the tensions in
multiple countries ranging from Bahrain to Nigeria or the tenth parallel that
journalist Elizabeth Rush aptly described as the fault line cutting across
Africa and Asia between more strident forms of Islam and Christianity.
The last two decades have witnessed a renewed hardening of
fault lines, not just ones between strands of Islam and Christianity, but
across the board. This latest round started in 2001 with the moral shock of the
September 11 attacks in New York and Washington and subsequent attacks across
Europe as well as in Asia and Africa that continue until today. 9/11 was the
death knell of multi-culturalism and the cradle of the latest wave of
Islamophobia and rising anti-Semitism.
The economic financial crisis of 2008/2009 with its
decimating effect on the lower and middle classes, the flourishing of jihadism,
the impact of heinous attacks close to home and the fear, a human being’s most
irrational emotion, that generated the breeding ground for populism,
nationalism, protectionism and the return to primordial, absolutist beliefs
propagated by multiple sources, including men and women of the cloth.
To be sure, the groundwork for this pre-date 9/11, fuelled
by some strands of Christianity, massive Saudi funding across the globe of
ultra-conservative strains of Islam, and the use of religious intolerance by
leaders and governments because it served a political purpose.
Pakistan illustrates what this can produce. The tolerant and
live-let-live types live in a bubble, primarily in Pakistan’s three foremost
cities, Karachi, Lahore and Islamabad. The gravity of society has shifted
towards intolerance, anti-pluralism and supremacism. Ultra-conservatism has
been woven into the texture of segments of society and the culture of some
institutions of the state. It is a world in which absolute truth rules supreme,
discrimination based on an absolute truth is anchored into law, competence is
determined not exclusively on the basis of merit but on what faith one adheres
to, democratic freedoms are curtailed. Mob lynching becomes acceptable,
violence against minorities the norm, and anti-blasphemy the tool.
It’s a trend that is not unique to Pakistan and not unique
to the Muslim world. It is a trend that is nurtured by the rise of populism,
nationalism, authoritarianism and autocracy visible across Western societies,
the Muslim world and Israel, in other words irrespective of cultural-religious
roots.
In most, if not all of these countries, significant segments
of the population have no real stake in society. Intolerance, anti-pluralism,
racism and supremacism fuel the perception of disenfranchisement and
marginalization that often produces a sense of not having anything to lose. It
is some combination of religious ultra-conservatism, exclusivist ethnic and
nationalist sentiment, and lack of a stake that creates breeding grounds for
militancy and extremism.
Men and women of the cloth working in Singapore are in many
ways privileged. While Singapore regulates hate speech or expressions it
believes would undermine harmony, it has been successful in ensuring that all
segments of the population have a stake in society – perhaps the most important
factor in combatting discrimination, racism and supremacism as well as
militancy and extremism.
Singapore demonstrates messages of tolerance and
inter-ethnic and inter-faith harmony can and will be heard in a political and
social environment that fosters mutual respect and dialogue.
There is however one caveat. Peace and harmony in society
requires peace and harmony at home. The divisions and animosity between
different religions and ethnicities at large are reflected in divisions and
animosity within faith groups.
Tolerance, mutual respect and dialogue starts in one’s own
community and its message is as credible as one practices it without exception.
That probably requires a redefinition of the concept of absolute truth. That’s
a tough order, but no one claims that ensuring that a peaceful and harmonious
existence and future would be easy. It also is a litmus test of one’s
sincerity.
Dr.
James M. Dorsey is a senior fellow at the S. Rajaratnam School of International
Studies, co-director of the University of Würzburg’s Institute for Fan Culture,
and co-host of the New Books in Middle Eastern Studies podcast.
James is the author of The Turbulent World
of Middle East Soccer blog, a book with the same title and a co-authored
volume, Comparative Political Transitions between Southeast Asia and
the Middle East and North Africa as well as Shifting
Sands, Essays on Sports and Politics in the Middle East and North Africa
and just published China
and the Middle East: Venturing into the Maelstrom
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