Testing the waters: Saudi women get one-time access to a stadium
By James M. Dorsey
Saudi Arabia's 85th birthday could prove to be
historic -- one that could put to the test opposition to Crown Prince Mohammed
bin Salman's reform plans, even if he has cracked down on potential critics in
recent weeks.
Saudi women, barred
from stadia, are being allowed into Riyadh’s King Fahd International Stadium
for the first time. Granted not to watch a soccer match from which they remain
banned, but to attend national day celebrations. The move comes six weeks after
Saudi Arabia announced that physical
education for girls would for the first time be included in school curricula.
To accommodate the kingdom’s strict gender segregation,
sections of the stadium are being delineated into sections for men and for
families, much like what happens in other public spaces. The notion that if
women can attend national day celebrations, they can also watch soccer matches
will strengthen the hand of long-time proponents like the head of the Saudi
Arabian Football Association (SAFF), Ahmed
Eid Al-Harbi, of a lifting of the ban.
The move knocks down a psychological barrier even if
it is primarily designed to project the kingdom in a more favourable light amid
fierce criticism of its human rights record and conduct of the war in Yemen and
to promote Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman’s reform agenda of greater economic
diversification and greater social freedom.
Granting women access to the stadium also constitutes
a testing of the waters. Prince Mohammed’s proposed reforms, articulated in his
Vision 2030 plan, have largely been
welcomed by Saudi youth, who account for more than 50 percent of the
population, but criticized by religious hardliners.
Prince Mohammed’s popularity rides on expectations
that his reforms will produce jobs and loosen social restrictions that he has
yet to fulfil. His reforms involve a unilateral rewriting of Saudi Arabia’s
social contract that amounted to a cradle-to-grave welfare state in exchange
for surrender of all political rights and acceptance of Wahhabism’s strict
moral codes.
Many Saudis have vented their frustration and anger on
social media, the one space in which the kingdom until recently tolerated a
limited degree of criticism. In one instance, Saudi writer Turki Al Shalhoub,
who has 70,000 followers on Twitter, tweeted in April a cartoon showing
Saudis being crushed under newly imposed taxes. He referred to prince
Mohammed’s plan as “the vision of poverty.”
Grumbling and online protests persuaded the government
in April to roll back some of its austerity measures and restore most of the
perks enjoyed by government employees.
“The problem is that Vision 2030 has become synonymous
with cutting salaries, taxing people and stop-ping benefits,” said Mark C. Thompson,
a Middle East scholar at King Fahd University of Petroleum and Minerals, who
conducted a survey
of young Saudi men.
Ultra-conservative backlash has pockmarked every bend
of Prince Mohammed’s path. Saudi Arabia’s Middle East Broadcasting Center Group
(MBC Group), owned by Waleed bin Ibrahim Al Ibrahim, scion of a family with
close ties to the Al Sauds, was forced to
revoke and apologize for a campaign aimed at empowering women. Some viewers
called for a boycott of MBC.
A crackdown
in recent weeks on the prince’s potential critics, involving the arrest of
scores of popular Islamic scholars, academics, intellectuals and judges, and
the dismissal
of university staff believed to support the Muslim Brotherhood, makes it
easier for Prince Mohammed to test the waters.
To maintain support for his agenda, which is as much
designed to initiate badly needed economic and social change as it is intended
to prevent any form of political liberalization, Prince Mohammed has in recent
weeks employed two strategies: using soccer to boost his image in a
football-crazy country, and building an entertainment industry in a kingdom in
which concepts of fun were long frowned upon, if not banned.
Sports is a key pillar of Vision 2030 as part of a bid
to improve health in a country that has some of the world’s highest obesity and
diabetes rates.
In line with a long-standing practice of Arab
autocrats to hitch their popularity to their country’s soccer success, Prince
Mohammed earlier this month granted fans, men only, free
access to the stadium to attend a World Cup qualifier against Japan. Prince
Mohammed made sure that he was in the stadium to witness the national team’s
success.
The sensitivity involved in granting women access to
the stadium for the national day celebrations became evident when a imam was
criticized for describing Saudi Arabia’s defeat of Japan that paved the way for
the kingdom’s participation in the 2018 World Cup as a blessing
from God.
Saudi Arabia has repeatedly in the last five tears
floated the notion of granting women access to stadiums, only to drop the idea
because of hard-line religious opposition. In bowing to pressure from the
International Olympic Committee (IOC) to allow women to compete in Olympic
games, the kingdom fielded women athletes for the first time in 2012. It has
since said that women would only be allowed to compete in disciplines mentioned
in the Qur’an.
Saudi Arabia’s Shura or Advisory Council earlier this
year rejected
a proposal to establish sports colleges for women.
In a bid to cater to aspirations of Saudi youth, the
government announced that it was investing
$2.7 billion in the creation of an entertainment industry in a country that
bans cinemas and theatres. As part of the initiative, the government plans to
build beach resorts, hotels and residential units on about 160 kilometres of
sandy coastline on the Red Sea. It was not clear whether the region would adopt
more liberal social codes on issues such as women’s dress.
"By the end of 2030, the company's projects aim
to serve more than 50 million visitors annually and create more than 22,000
jobs in the Kingdom, which will contribute around 8 billion Saudi Riyals ($2
billion) to the GDP," the state-owned Saudi Press Agency said.
The kingdom’s religious establishment has repeatedly criticised
Prince Mohammed’s social liberalization effort, including introduction of
modern forms entertainment, but largely endorsed his economic plans.
A 24-year-old speaking earlier this year to The
Guardian, noted that ultra-conservatism maintain a hold on significant
numbers of young people. “You know that the top 11 Twitter handles here are Salafi
clerics, right? We are talking more than 20 million people who hang on their
every word. They will not accept this sort of change. Never,” the youth said
Prince Mohammed’s crackdown is likely to pre-empt any
criticism of women entering the stadium for national day. That, however, simply
pushes criticism out of the public eye. If anything, the crackdown suggests
that Prince Mohammed feels less confident and reverts to Arab autocratic tradition:
repress rather than engage.
Dr. James M. Dorsey is a senior fellow at the S.
Rajaratnam School of International Studies, co-director of the University of
Würzburg’s Institute for Fan Culture, and the author of The Turbulent World
of Middle East Soccer blog, a book with
the same title, Comparative Political Transitions
between Southeast Asia and the Middle East and North Africa, co-authored with Dr.
Teresita Cruz-Del Rosario and four forthcoming books, Shifting
Sands, Essays on Sports and Politics in the Middle East and North Africa as
well as The Gulf Crisis: Small States Battle It Out, Creating Frankenstein: The
Saudi Export of Ultra-conservatism and China and the Middle East: Venturing
into the Maelstrom.
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