Angry Saudi soccer clubs pinpoint Gulf labour market contradictions
By James M. Dorsey
Mounting anger among Saudi soccer clubs at their subjugation
to quotas designed to encourage employment of Saudi nationals and reduce
dependence on foreign labour illustrates problems encountered by wealthy Gulf countries
in balancing the contradictory demands of labour markets, often lopsided demographics,
social contracts involving a cradle-to-grave welfare state that creates
unrealistic employment expectations, and organizations’ need to hire personnel
on the basis of nationality rather than merit.
The clubs, many of which are owned by members and associates
of the ruling Al Saud family but publicly funded, warned that a Labour Ministry
decision to include them in a quota system intended to force the private sector
to hire a larger number of Saudi nationals could disadvantage them by
preventing them from hiring foreign talent.
The clubs’ complaint mirrors problems across the Gulf with
government efforts to encourage preferential employment of nationals. The
complaint is particularly stark given that the kingdom unlike smaller Gulf
states like Qatar and the United Arab Emirates still boasts a population in
which nationals constitute a majority, if only a slim one. Qataris, for
example, account for a mere six percent of the Qatari labour market, making the
country wholly dependent on foreign labour with no prospect of altering the
market balance.
As a result, labour quota systems may encourage nationals to
consider a wider range of employment opportunities but are unlikely to resolve
the underlying demographic problem. The quotas also at times force
organizations to hire nationals who may be less qualified or motivated than
foreigners – a concern among football clubs where foreign talent plays a key
role. The problem of Saudi clubs is compounded by the kingdom’s reluctance to
encourage Saudi players to garner experience by playing abroad for foreign
clubs.
The anger of Saudi clubs at the Labour Ministry decision
comes moreover at a time that Gulf states with Qatar and the UAE in the lead
are under mounting pressure to abolish restrictive labour systems that put
foreign employees at the mercy of their employers. Human rights and trade union
activists, who originally targeted Qatar after its winning in 2010 of a bid to
host the 2022 World Cup, have in recent months expanded their campaign to
include various Gulf states.
In contrast to world soccer body FIFA president Sepp Blatter
who this week denied that his group was accountable for the welfare of migrant
labour in Qatar, International Association of Athletics Federations (IAAF) vice
president Sebastian Coe said his group would hold Qatar responsible for human
and labour rights. The IAAF last month awarded Qatar the 2019 athletics world
championship.
“I recognise that there are political implications about
taking sport into different environments and with that falls responsibility to
international federations. Labour conditions and how your event is delivered
are very important issues for federations and particularly for young people. And
if we are engaging with young people, they sit at the moral hotspots of all
those big global issues and it is absolutely essential sport confronts them,”
Mr. Coe told a news conference in London.
His remarks were in line with a growing willingness in
sports driven by International Olympic Committee president Thomas Bach to make
human rights a criterion for the awarding of hosting rights for mega sports
events.
The six members of the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) –
Saudi Arabia, Qatar, the UAE, Bahrain, Kuwait and Oman – agreed earlier this
week on measures to improve the working and living conditions of migrant
workers in a bid to fend off more far-reaching demands by human rights and
trade union activists, including the abolition of the restrictive kafala or
sponsorship system and the right to organize freely.
An estimated 15 million migrant workers of which a majority
hail from Asia are employed in the Gulf. Foreigners account for almost half of
the GCC’s total population of 50 million.
The Saudi clubs, in an environment in which demographics is
a sensitive subject that is only cautiously if at all discussed publicly and in
which parties are reluctant to publicly criticize a policy that is projected as
a national initiative, have framed their criticism of the labour ministry decision
in terms of their classification as private sector employers.
“The ministry has not classified us appropriately and is
treating us as part of the private sector. We are obliged to hire Saudis just
to stay away from the red category (that indicates failure to meet the
Saudization quota). We are incapable of helping the Saudization effort as we
are in need of foreigners,” the Saudi Gazette quoted Al-Salam FC president
Fadil Al-Nimr as saying.
To bolster their objection to being classified as private
enterprises, soccer club executives argued that their budgets were funded and
supervised by the kingdom’s General Presidency of Youth Welfare (GPYF) that is
responsible for sports in the country and is headed by a member of the ruling
family.
“We are not a profitable organization to be treated like
private companies. We are under constricted budgets allocated by the government
to serve the country,” the head of Ittifaq FC, Abdulaziz Al-Dowsari told the
Gazette.
The club’s spokesmen, Adnan Al-Muaibid, added that the club’s
legal arrangements, budget and administration were the responsibility of the
GPYF. “We should not be included in Nitaqat (quota) program. Its conditions do
not apply to us and is restricting our athletic and financial status. We will
challenge the decision and we are currently trying to deliver our opinions to
the ministry,” Mr. Al-Muaibid said.
Unwittingly, the executives’ opposition to the quota system
highlighted tight government control of soccer in the kingdom and much of the
rest of the Middle East and North Africa despite efforts by FIFA and the Asian
Football Confederation (AFC) to maintain the fiction of a separation of sports
and politics.
Saudi Arabia has long had a complex relationship with the
sport that evokes passions similar to those sparked by religion and social
issues and was only legalized in the kingdom in 1951. Saudi authorities
recently considered emphasizing individual rather than team sports in drafting
the kingdom’s five-year, men-only national sports plan, but ultimately backed
away from the suggestion because of soccer’s immense popularity. Saudi clerics
rolled out mobile mosques during the 2010 World Cup in South Africa in an
effort to persuade fans gathered in cafes to watch matches to observe
obligatory prayer times.
James M.
Dorsey is a senior fellow at the S. Rajaratnam School of International Studies,
co-director of the University of Wuerzburg’s Institute for Fan Culture, and the
author of The Turbulent World of Middle East
Soccer blog
and a forthcoming book with the same title.
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