Al Saadi Al Qaddafi trial likely to shed light on dark history of Libyan soccer
Al Saadi Al Qaddafi under arrest
By James M. Dorsey
It was only a matter of time before Al Saadi Al Qaddafi, the
notorious, soccer-obsessed third son of toppled Libyan leader Col. Moammar
Qaddafi would be extradited to Libya by Niger, one of the world’s poorest
countries that plays a key role in Western efforts to defeat Al Qaeda
affiliates in the Sahel and North and West Africa. His trial is likely to shed
light on a dark and brutal era in the history of Libyan football.
Al Saadi was living on borrowed time in Niger to where he
fled after the elite troops he commanded failed in 2011 to foil the popular
revolt that overthrew the Qaddafi regime. Al Saadi’s continued presence in
Niger after a planned exile in Mexico was frustrated was an irritant in its increasingly
close alliance with the United States and France in the struggle against
Islamic militancy in the region.
Niger which justified the granting of asylum to Al Saadi on "humanitarian"
grounds saying it had insufficient guarantees that he would get a fair trial
extradited him despite the fact that the Libya’s transitional government has been
unable to build a credible, independent judiciary or create a professional military,
police force and prison system.
The Libyan attorney general’s office said 41-year old Al
Saadi would faces several charges, including "crimes to keep his father in
power;" involvement in the 2005 murder of national team player and Tripoli
soccer club coach Bashir Al-Ryani, a prominent Qaddafi critic; and "seizing
goods by force and intimidation when he headed the Libyan Football Federation,"
language Interpol used when it issued at the request of Libya a "Red
Notice" shortly after the fall of the Qaddafi regime for Al Saadi.
Mr. Ryani was known as player "number nine" because
the Qaddafi regime banned the publishing of players’ names in a bid to ensure
that they did not become better known than Al Saadi or Col. Qaddafi himself.
"Two years before he was killed he told Saadi he was
part of a dictatorship and had corrupted Libya. After that he was beaten and
left outside his house," said Hussein Rammali, a former Ryani team mate,
at a post-revolt memorial for the Mr. Ryani. Mr. Ryani is said to have made his
remark at a time that he coached Tripoli's Al Ahli club, which was owned and
captained by Saadi.
The killing of Mr. Ryani was but one of a series of
soccer-related atrocities during the Qaddafi regime. In a country in which the
mosque and the soccer pitch were the only release valves for pent-up anger and
frustration prior to popular revolt that led to the downfall of the regime, Al Saadi's
association with both the national team and Tripoli's Al Ahli meant that the
prestige of the regime was on the line whenever the team played.
As a result, soccer was as much a political match as it was
a sports competition in which politics rather than performance dictated the
outcome.
League matches were fixed to ensure that Al Ahli, which Al
Saadi owned, remained on top to prevent a defeat on the pitch from being viewed
as a defeat of the regime.
A penalty in an Al Ahli Benghazi match against a team from
Al-Baydah, the home town of Al Saadi's mother and the place where the first
anti-government demonstrations against corruption in public housing were staged
in 2011 so outraged Benghazi fans that they invaded the pitch, forcing the game
to be abandoned.
A pile of rubble in the eastern city of Benghazi stands as a
sad memorial to the abuse and manipulation of soccer by Middle Eastern and
North Africa autocrats like Al Saadi whom the US embassy described in 2009 in a
leaked cable described as “notoriously ill-behaved.”
The rubble is what is left of Al Saadi’s efforts to bury the
historic club lock, stock and barrel. Its red and white colours were banned
from public display. Scores of its supporters were imprisoned, some of whom
were sentenced to death for attempting to subvert the Qaddafis’ rule.
The story of Al Ahi Benghazi stands out as a perverted twist
of efforts by Middle Eastern leaders like former Iranian President Mahmud
Ahmadinejad and the ousted presidents of Yemen, Tunisia and Egypt, Ali Abdullah
Saleh, Zine el Abeidine Ben Ali and Hosni Mubarak, to identify with their
national soccer teams in a bid to boost their lingering popularity.
Backed by Al Saadi, Al Ahli Tripoli blossomed with its
financial muscle that allowed it to buy the best players and bribe bully
referees and linesmen to rule in its favour.
A little more than a decade ago, Al Ahli fans had enough of
Al Saadi's subversion of the game. They booed him and his team during a
national cup final in front of visiting African dignitaries and dressed up a donkey
in the colours of Al Ahli Tripoli. Al Saadi went ballistic.
“I will destroy your club! I will turn it into an owl's
nest!” The Los Angeles times quoted Khalifa Binsraiti, then Al Ahli Benghazi’s chairman,
who was imprisoned in the subsequent crackdown, as being told by an irate Al Saadi
immediately after the match.
Al Saadi kept his word. He engineered Al Ahli Benghazi’s
relegation to the second division. A referee in a match against Libyan premier
league team Al Akhdar sought to further ensure Al Ahli’s humiliation by calling
a questionable penalty that would have sealed Al Ahli’s disgrace.
In response, Al Ahli’s coach confronted the referee,
allegedly shoving him. Militant fans stormed the pitch. The game was suspended
and Al Ahli’s fate was sealed.
Al Ahli fans didn’t leave it at that. They headed to
downtown Benghazi shouting slogans against Al Saadi, burnt a likeness of his
father and set fire to the local branch of his national soccer federation.
“I was ready to die that day, I was so frustrated,” The Los
Angeles Times quotes 48-year old businessman Ali Ali, who was among the enraged
crowd, as saying. “We were all ready to die.”
It did not take long for Libyan plainclothes security men to
respond. Al Ahli’s 37-hectare clubhouse and facilities were raised to the
ground as plainclothesmen visited the homes of protesting soccer fans. Some 80
were arrested of whom 30 for trial to Tripoli on charges of vandalism,
destruction of public property and having contacts with Libyan dissidents
abroad, a capital offense in Libya.
Three people were sentenced to death, but their penalties
were converted to life in prison by the Libyan ruler. The three were released
after serving five years in prison.
Al Ahli Benghazi was resurrected in 2004, initially as a
second-division squad, but later graduated back to the country’s premier
league.
The story of Al Ahli is a study in the use of soccer by
authoritarian Arab regimes to distract attention from economic and political
problems and of Arab autocrats’ divide and rule approach to governance. Al Saadi’s
story like that of the brutal Iraqi sports czar and son of Saddam Hussein
constitute extreme examples of political abuse of the game but also shed a
light on what is mostly a less cruelly executed approach across the Middle East
and North Africa.
It is also the untold story of soccer in a swath of land
stretching from the Atlantic coast of Africa to the Gulf as a platform of resistance against
repression, nepotism and corruption whose fighters graduated to the front lines
in mass anti-government protests that swept the Middle East and North Africa
and continue to press for political change.
James M. Dorsey is a Senior Fellow at the S.
Rajaratnam School of International Studies (RSIS), Nanyang Technological
University. He is also co-director of the University of Würzburg’s Institute
for Fan Culture, and the author of The Turbulent World of Middle East
Soccer blog and a forthcoming book with the same
title
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