FIFA investigates: World Cup host Qatar in the hot seat
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By James M. Dorsey
Three major investigations into corruption in global soccer
are putting the credibility of major soccer associations and World Cup 2022
host Qatar to the test and could challenge the Gulf state’s successful bid as
well as a massive Asian soccer rights contract.
World soccer body FIFA’s newly-appointed corruption
investigator Michael Garcia announced this week that he would investigate the
controversial awarding of the 2022 World Cup to Qatar as well as the 2018
tournament to Russia. FIFA Independent Governance Committee head Mark Pieth concluded
earlier that the awarding of two the events had been “insufficiently
investigated."
Allegations of impropriety in the awarding of the two events
at the same FIFA executive committee meeting in December 2010 persist fuelled
by the demise of FIFA vice president and Asian Football Confederation president
Mohammed Bin Hammam, a Qatari national, who stands accused of corruption and
bribery. Mr. Bin Hammam is but one of several FIFA executive committees who
have been forced out of office in the last two years because of corruption
charges, sparking the worst scandal in the world soccer body’s 108 year-old
history.
Speaking in a German television interview, Mr. Garcia said
that the conduct of FIFA president Sepp Blatter would also be part of the
inquiry. Mr. Blatter is widely viewed as having failed to put world soccer’s
house in order so that the current scandal could have been avoided. "The
more important the person involved is, the more important it is to examine them
as well," Mr. Garcia said.
Mr. Blatter admitted in February that Qatar had colluded
with Spain and Portugal to trade votes for their respective 2018 and 2022 World
Cup bids in violation of FIFA regulations in effect contradicting an earlier
investigation by the world soccer body that denied that there had been a vote
swapping deal. “I’ll be honest, there was a bundle of votes between Spain and
Qatar. But it was a nonsense. It was there but it didn’t work, not for one and
not for the other side,” Mr. Blatter. Mr. Blatter was never called to account
for his statement or his seeming endorsement of misconduct.
The investigation of the successful Qatari bid cannot be
seen independently of a separate FIFA investigation as well as an AFC
investigation of Mr. Bin Hammam’s affairs. Mr. Bin Hammam, despite repeated
Qatari denials, was closely associated with the bid, according to sources close
to both the world and the Asian soccer body. They said the investigations were
likely to call into question the Qatari efforts to distance the Gulf state’s
bid from Mr, Bin Hammam.
The FIFA investigation is focused on charges that Mr. Bin
Hammam bribed Caribbean soccer officials to support his foiled challenge last
year of Mr. Blatter in FIFA’s presidential elections. Mr. Bin Hammam is
believed to have had Qatari endorsement of his presidential bid.
The Lausanne-based Court of Arbitration of Sports (CAS)
earlier this year overturned FIFA’s banning of Mr. Bin Hammam for life from
involvement in soccer because of the alleged bribery on the grounds of
insufficient evidence, but stressed that the ruling was not a declaration of
innocence. The court encouraged FIFA to conduct a proper investigation.
CAS justified its ruling in part on the grounds that a
report by the Freeh Group owned by former FBI director Louis Freeh that served
as part of the basis on which Mr. Bin Hammam was banned consisted of little
more than circumstantial evidence.
The AFC has raised questions about the sincerity of its
investigation by hiring the group despite CAS’s rejection of its earlier work.
The group has been tasked with further investigating the findings of a report by
PriceWaterhouse Cooper (PwC) that charged Mr. Bin Hammam had used an AFC sundry
account as his personal account and raised questions about his negotiation of a
$1 billion marketing and rights contract with Singapore-based World Sport Group
(WSG), a $300 million contract with the Qatar-owned Al Jazeera television
network and payments of $14 million to Mr. Bin Hammam by entities belonging to
a Saudi businessman with a vested interest in the WSG deal. The PwC report
further suggested that there may have been cases of AFC money laundering, tax
invasion, bribery and busting of US sanctions against Iran and North Korea
under Mr. Bin Hammam’s leadership.
Sources close to the AFC admitted that the Asian soccer body
was putting its credibility on the line by hiring the company that CAS had so
severely criticized. They said the Freeh Group report was weak because it had
received only a limited mandate from FIFA for its initial investigation rather
than due to sloppy work.
The AFC investigation further sets the stage for a more AFC
exhaustive inquiry into Mr. Bin Hammam’s affairs as well as an independent
probe by Malaysian judicial authorities. The Kuala Lumpur-based AFC has until
early September under Malaysian law to report that it has on the basis of the
PwC report reasonable suspicion of a legal offence.
The WSG master rights agreement (MRA) that according to
sources close to the AFC handed the soccer body’s assets embodied in its rights
to the company is certain to be at the core of both investigations. PwC
questioned the fact that the contract as
well as the agreement with Al Jazeera had been awarded without being putting out
to tender or financial due diligence. Sources close to AFC said the contract
awarded WSG all the benefits while ensuring that AFC retained the potential
liabilities. PwC said the contract failed to give AFC a right to audit WSG’s
services or costs. “In comparison with similar-type agreements for other
sports, it appears that the current MRA may be considerably undervalued,” the PwC
report said.
The report charged further that Mr. Bin Hammam had received
in February 2008 $12 million from Al Baraka Investment and Development Co ,
believed to be owned by Saudi billionaire Sheikh Saleh Kamel. “We understand
that the Al Baraka Group may have been a 20% beneficial owner of the WSG group”
(World Sport Group) with which the AFC signed a $1 billion master rights
agreement (MRA) in June 2009 negotiated by Mr. Bin Hammam,” the report said.
Sources close to the AFC said the soccer body had been
advised to conclude a service provider rather than a master rights agreement
with WSG. This would have allowed the AFC to retain control of its rights,
determine how they are exploited and enabled it to continuously supervise the
quality of services provided by WSG. It would have also guaranteed that the AFC
rather than WSG would have been the contracting party with broadcasters and
sponsors and would have insulated the soccer body from any risk should WSG ever
default, the sources said. They said the contract was out of sync with other international
sports bodies that had shifted years ago from rights to service provider
agreements.
The sources said the WSG agreement was further detrimental
to AFC’s interests because it failed to precisely define what commercial rights
were being granted. As a result, the sources said, AFC had effectively
surrendered its treasure, making it difficult, if not impossible, for the
soccer body to explore potential opportunities with third parties.
The sources said the contract put WSG in the driver’s seat
with no oversight or transparency. They said WSG determined which AFC officials
would be members of the committee that oversees WSG’s execution of the
agreement. AFC further failed to insulate itself from any damages that could
arise from WSG actions, the sources said. They said the made AFC increasingly
dependent rather than enabling it to develop commercial and marketing expertise
of its own. They suggested further that contract gave WSG rather than the AFC
control of monies emanating from the agreement.
James M. Dorsey is a senior fellow at the S. Rajaratnam
School of International Studies at Nanyang Technological University in
Singapore and the author of the blog, The Turbulent World of Middle East
Soccer.
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