Palestinian Statehood in More Than Name?
Guest: Dr James M. Dorsey, Adjunct
Senior Fellow, S. Rajaratnam School of International Studies
To listen to the podcast, go to https://jamesmdorsey.substack.com/p/palestinian-statehood-in-more-than
Recognition of a Palestinian state at the UN is gaining
momentum, with Australia, the UK and France joining over 145 countries in
support. Yet, major players like the US and Japan remain hesitant. What impact
does this have on a long lasting solution to the war in Gaza? BFM 89.9 discusses
this with Dr. James M. Dorsey, Adjunct Senior Fellow at S. Rajaratnam School of
International Studies.
Presenter: Elaine Boey, Shazana Mokhtar,
Wong Shou Ning
Producer: Tun Hizami Hashim
TRANSCRIPT
[Anchor] Let's turn our attention to what is going
on over in the Middle East and also at the UN. So, Western nations including
Australia, the UK, Canada and France have now recognised a Palestinian state
and this was done recently at the United Nations as tensions in Gaza and the
West Bank continue to escalate.
This brings the total to over 145 UN member states that
already recognise Palestine, showing growing international support for a
two-state solution. However, countries like Singapore, Japan, Germany, Italy,
South Korea and the US have not extended recognition and full UN membership for
Palestine also remains blocked by Security Council vetoes.
So, given this development, what implications could it
have for the future of Israel-Palestine negotiations for peace and how might
Israel and its allies respond to this new wave of support for Palestinian
statehood and what does it really all mean? For some analysis on this, we speak
with Dr. James Dorsey, Adjunct Senior Fellow at the S. Rajaratnam School of
International Studies.
James, good morning. So, we've seen a slew of countries,
particularly from the West, officially recognise a Palestinian state. How
significant is this move? Is it really more symbolic than substantive at this
point?
[James M. Dorsey] Good morning, pleasure to be
with you. I think measured in terms of what this means for an end to the Gaza
war, the impact is zero beyond giving Palestinians a badly needed moment of
good news and a sense of hope that presumably is going to be fleeting. On a
state level, it does have some meaning in the sense that it upgrades Palestine
as being a sovereign state rather than an entity.
It lets it enter into agreements, for example, in theory
trade agreements with other states, even though that is restricted by the fact
that Israel controls Palestine's borders and in fact much of its land. Thirdly,
and that may be the most important, it underlines the growing isolation of
Israel and by extension the United States. It puts more pressure, particularly
on the Europeans, the only other party that in theory at least has some
leverage with Israel.
It puts greater pressure on them to force Israel or
pressure Israel to bring an end to the Gaza war.
[Anchor] So there are about 45 countries, including Japan
and Singapore, that do not recognise Palestine. What are their main concerns
driving behind this reluctance?
[James M. Dorsey] I think the concerns differ from
country to country. Part of them are historical or historically rooted, like in
the case of Germany. Part of them are the belief that making recognition at the
end of a peace process encourages the Palestinians to engage more seriously and
some of them fear that or do not want to get on the wrong side of the United
States, fearing that the United States may take action against states that do
recognise Palestine.
[Anchor] James, how do you anticipate Israeli
Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and his government to respond to this
increased recognition of Palestinians as a state?
[James M. Dorsey] I think we're going to have to
wait and see. Much of it is going to rest on what happens when the Israeli
Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu meets President Trump presumably next week,
Monday. Netanyahu and Israeli officials have hinted that there are various
options.
One option would be to target states that have recently
recognised Palestine individually. For example, in terms of closing down their
consulates in Jerusalem or forcing them to reduce the level of diplomatic
representation in Israel. That's one set of options.
The second set of options would be far more consequential
and that would be that Israel assigns a price tag to recognition of Palestine
in terms of it responding by annexing parts of the West Bank. That's a move
that presumably could force those countries, first and foremost the West
European countries, Britain, France, Portugal, to take real action against
Israel in terms of sanctions, arms embargoes in response to the annexation. So
I think we're going to have to wait and see what Trump says to Netanyahu in
terms of what he will green light and what he will not.
[Anchor] Now James, earlier you brought up that
this just makes Israel more isolated as a state. Do you think Benjamin
Netanyahu really doesn't care? At the end of the day the only country that he
needs to get along with is the US.
[James M. Dorsey] The US is obviously the major
player in terms of diplomatic cover for Israel, in terms of financial support,
in terms of military support. But Europe is being underestimated. I think you
have to keep in mind that Europe, not the United States, is Israel's largest
trading partner by far.
At the same time Europe is a larger investor in Israel
than the United States is and Israel invests more in Europe than it does in the
United States. Roughly 30% of Israeli arms acquisitions are in Europe. Germany
is the second largest arms supplier to Israel.
So that gives Europe some significant leverage and I
think one shouldn't underestimate that.
[Anchor] But in the meantime, James, given
Israel's ongoing settlement expansion in the West Bank and the situation in
Gaza, will there be a state for Palestinians to actually run in the end?
[James M. Dorsey] I think we're at a crucial cross
point. Contrary to much of common wisdom that it was already too late for a
two-state solution, I think that option was still possible until now.
Particularly given the fact that if you look at not the dots on the map of the
West Bank signifying Israeli settlements, but if you look at concentration of
settler population, the settlers are for about 80% concentrated close to the
green line of the pre-1967 war boundaries between Israel and the West Bank.
And therefore, they could be brought under Israeli
sovereignty were a Palestinian state to be established very easily by enacting
land swaps. Now you're seeing Israeli moves with the E1 project that was
recently approved by the Israeli government that would create settlements that
virtually cut the West Bank in half. And that makes a two-state solution far
more difficult.
[Anchor] So, on that note, what can Palestine do
now? What strategies can they pursue to strengthen its standing, its
negotiation, its statehood?
[James M. Dorsey] Look, the Palestinians in a
sense are caught between a rock and a hard place.
I think there are the two most important things that they
can do is the Palestine Authority, which is the West Bank based internationally
recognised representation of the Palestinians, has to get its act together.
It's perceived as incompetent, as corrupt, as fledgling. It has to enact
serious reforms that enhance its credibility, not only with the international
community as the party that would govern Palestine once the Gaza war is over
and we have an agreement on the resolution of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict,
but it has to earn credibility among its own people.
It's got a very low ranking. But the other part of it is
the Palestinians as such, with other words, the Palestine Authority, as well as
the various Palestinian factions, including the militants like Hamas, have to
realise that their divisions are part of what is weakening the Palestinian
negotiating position.
[Anchor] James, thank you very much for speaking
with us. That was Dr. James Dorsey, Adjunct Senior Fellow at the S. Rajaratnam
School of International Studies, helping us understand the implications of
growing recognition of Palestinian statehood and the many obstacles in the way
to true sovereignty for now.

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