Saudi religious soft power diplomacy eyes Washington and Jerusalem first and foremost
By James M. Dorsey
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Geopolitics is written all over
Saudi religious soft power efforts. Nowhere more so than when it comes to
Israel and Jews because of the growing importance of security cooperation with
the Jewish state and the influence of the Israeli lobby in the United States,
the kingdom's most important yet problematic security partner.
In the latest move, Saudi Arabia ensured that it would be the first stop on the first
overseas trip by Deborah Lipstadt as US special envoy to combat anti-Semitism.
“Lipstadt intends to build on the
profoundly important Abraham Accords to advance religious tolerance, improve
relations in the region, and counter misunderstanding and distrust," the
State Department said in a statement. The department was referring to the
accords by which the United Arab Emirates, Bahrain, Morocco, and Sudan established
diplomatic relations with Israel in the waning days of US President Donald J.
Trump's administration.
Ms. Lipstadt said that Saudi religious
soft power diplomacy had created an atmosphere in which she could discuss with government officials and
civil society leaders, who in the kingdom inevitably are likely to be linked to
the government, "normalising the vision of the Jews and understanding of
Jewish history for their population, particularly their younger population."
Saudi Arabia has had a particularly
troubled attitude towards Jews even though an older generation of Saudis in
regions close to Yemen recall a Jewish presence in the first half of the 20th
century.
Moreover, in the days when Israelis were
barred from travelling to most Arab countries, Saudi Arabia also tailored its
visa requirements to bar Jews.
European foreign ministers planning at the
time to pay official visits to the kingdom would at times confront demands that
Jewish journalists be dropped from the group accompanying the official.
Some American Jews who had filled out
Jewish as their religion on Saudi immigration forms would have them returned
with the word Jewish replaced by the term Christian.
That began to change long before the rise
of Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman. Mr. Bin Salman has accelerated the
policy change. Earlier this month, Saudi Arabia announced that Israeli business people would be granted entry into the kingdom.
Saudi Arabia has also allowed Jacob
Yisrael Herzog, a US-born rabbi resident in Israel, to visit the kingdom several times to attempt to build Jewish life publicly. Some Jewish critics have charged that his bombastic approach
could backfire.
Moreover, in a slow two-decade-long,
tedious process, Saudi Arabia has made significant progress in scrubbing its school
textbooks of anti-Semitic and other discriminatory
and supremacist content.
To project Saudi Arabia as a moderate
forward-looking nation and improve the kingdom’s tarnished image, particularly
in the United States, Mr. Bin Salman has met with American Jewish leaders. Many
of those leaders are willing to give Saudi Arabia a pass on its abuse of human
rights and still weak track record on religious tolerance to advance the cause of
the establishment of diplomatic relations between Saudi Arabia and Israel.
The crown prince has also turned the
Muslim World League, once a prime vehicle for the Saudi government funding of
Sunni Muslim ultra-conservatism globally, into a public relations tool for
propagating Saudi religious tolerance.
The league’s head, Mohammed al-Issa, a
former Saudi justice minister, led a delegation of Muslim religious leaders on
a ground-breaking visit in January 2020 to Auschwitz, one of Nazi Germany’s
foremost extermination camps for Jews.
Earlier this month, he organized a Forum on Common Values among Religious Followers in Riyadh. Participants included 47 Muslim scholars, 24 Christian
leaders, 12 rabbis, and 7 Hindu and Buddhist figures.
The timing of Ms. Lipstadt’s visit is significant.
It comes weeks before an expected pilgrimage to Riyadh by President Joe Biden
to tackle strains in the strategic relationship between the two countries.
Tensions have emerged over the degree and
reliability of the US commitment to Gulf security, Saudi oil production policy
in the wake of US and European sanctions against Russia for invading Ukraine,
Saudi technological cooperation with China, and Mr. Biden's belief that Mr. Bin
Salman was responsible for th/e 2018 killing of journalist Jamal Khashoggi.
Moreover, the visits of Mr. Biden and Ms.
Lipstadt come as hopes are fading that talks in Vienna between world powers and
Iran will succeed in reviving the 2015 international agreement that curbed
Iran’s nuclear programme. A failure is likely to increase regional tension.
The spectre of a failure has driven
increased regional cooperation between Gulf states, including Saudi Arabia and
Israel.
At the sharp end of confronting Iran,
Israel unveiled its newly adopted Octopus Doctrine this month. The doctrine expands Israel's aiming at Iran’s nuclear,
missile and drone programmes by increasingly attacking targets in Iran rather
than primarily on battlefields like Syria.
Barbara Leaf, the US Assistant Secretary
of State for Near Eastern Affairs, put Ms. Lipstadt’s visit in perspective when
she told Congress last week that Mr. Biden hoped to achieve agreement on a roadmap for the establishment of diplomatic relations between Saudi
Arabia and Israel during his visit to
the Middle East this month. US officials admit that it will be a lengthy
process rather than a head-on lovey-dovey affair, as was the case between
Israel and the UAE.
Saudi Arabia has signaled for some time that it would like to formalize
its expanding informal relations with Israel but needs a cover to do so. The
kingdom has emphasized this in recent weeks as it sought Israeli acquiescence
in the transfer by Egypt to Saudi Arabia of sovereignty over two islands at the
top of the Red Sea and prepared for a possible visit by US President Joe Biden.
"Saudis want
to meet us, talk, and rub shoulders with us. They want to
learn. I kept getting inquiries. There is incredible potential for cooperation
between the Saudi people and Saudi companies and Israel,” said Israeli businessman
Eyal Waldheim who visited the kingdom in May travelling on a non-Israeli
passport.
Dr. James M.
Dorsey is an award-winning journalist and scholar, a Senior Fellow at the
National University of Singapore’s Middle East Institute and Adjunct Senior
Fellow at Nanyang Technological University’s S. Rajaratnam School of
International Studies, and the author of the syndicated column and blog, The
Turbulent World of Middle East Soccer.
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