Algerian soccer success is a double-edged sword
By James M.
Dorsey
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version of this story is available on Soundcloud, Itunes, Spotify, Stitcher, TuneIn, Spreaker, Pocket Casts, Tumblr, and
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It took
Algeria barely two weeks to charge Algerian soccer fan Samir
Sardouk and sentence him to a year in jail for harming the national interests of his country.
Mr. Sardouk
was convicted for shouting “There is no God but Allah, and they will come down”
during the African Cup of Nation’s opening match in the Egyptian capital of
Cairo on June 21.
Four other
Algerians were given six-month suspended sentences for lighting firecrackers in
the stadium.
Mr.
Sardouk’s slogan referred to demands put forward in months of mass
anti-government protests that all those associated of Abdelaziz Bouteflika, the
country’s long-standing president who was toppled in April, be removed from
office.
Mr.
Sardouk’s sentencing casts a shadow over the Algerian squad’s achievement in
reaching the African Cup final for the first time in 29 years after defeating
Nigeria.
Together
with celebrations of Algeria’s earlier qualification for the African Cup’s
semi-finals after defeating Ivory Coast, it demonstrates the risk for autocrats
and illiberals who use sports in general and soccer in particular to project
their country in a different light internationally and polish their tarnished
images by associating themselves with something that evokes the kind of deep-seated
passions akin to the power of religion.
If
celebrations of Algeria’s semi-final qualification and subsequent victory over
Nigeria are anything to go by, an Algerian triumph in the finals, like past
soccer victories in countries like Egypt and Iran, are likely to inspire rather
than distract anti-government protesters.
Algerians
fans in France took to the streets in Paris,
Marseille and Lyon
within hours of Algeria reaching the final. Their celebrations were mired by
violence.
Similarly, the
semi-finals celebrations spilled over into mass anti-government protests despite
a huge police presence on the streets of Algiers and Paris added to the significance of Mr.
Sardouk’s conviction. The protesters demanded a “civilian, not a military
state”
Algerian police
reportedly detained a dozen demonstrators. “There is a clear desire to prevent peaceful
marches in Algiers,
the deployed security device says it all.” tweeted Said Salhi, vice president
of the Algerian League for the Defense of Human Rights (LADDH).
African
Cup-related Algerian fan violence precedes the 2019 tournament. A massive brawl
between players and fans mired a 2014 Libya-Algeria African Cup qualifier.
Violence
associated with this year’s tournament was nonetheless minimal when put into
the context of violence in Algeria having become a norm prior to this year’s
revolt and the fact that the uprising has been largely peaceful.
The apparent
shift away from violence is all the more remarkable given Algerian psychologist Mahmoud Boudarene’s
assessment in 2014,
a time of multiple soccer-related incidents.
“Violence in
Algeria has become ordinary and banal. Hogra, the word Algerians use for the
government’s perceived contempt for ordinary citizens, has planted a sickness
in Algerian society. People feel that the only way to get anything done is to
have connections or threaten the peace. It is a system where hogra and social
injustice rule. Social violence has become the preferred mode of communication
between the citizen and the republic — today in our country everything is
obtained through a riot,” Mr. Boudarene told the Associated Press at the time.
This year’s
popular revolt, inspired by lessons learnt from the 2011 popular Arab revolts,
has emboldened protesters and given them a sense of confidence that is likely
to ensure that potential African Cup final celebrations-turned-protest remain
largely peaceful.
With Algeria
having qualified for the final, the Algerian defence ministry, despite the
police posturing, was preparing six military planes to fly 600 fans
to Egypt for the African Cup final.
The gesture
underlined soccer’s political importance and constituted an attempt by the
military to align itself with the Algerian squad’s success.
The
significance of soccer makes Mr. Sardouk’s sentencing all the more remarkable
despite the assertion that his slogan mired Algeria’s march towards soccer
victory.
For
starters, it sought to draw a dividing line between national honour and protest
in a country where a majority are likely to be soccer fans.
He was
convicted at a time that Algeria has been wracked by protests since February in
support of political reforms that would dismantle the country’s
long-standing, military-dominated regime with a more transparent and
accountable government.
The
conviction is also noteworthy because Mr. Sardouk’s protest, coupled with acts of defiance by
militant Egyptian soccer fans, threatened to turn the African tournament into a venue for
the expression of dissent from across the Middle East and North Africa, a
region populated by autocratic, repressive regimes and wracked by repeated
explosions of poplar anger.
Finally, the
sentencing was striking because it violated the spirit of both the military’s effort to retain a measure
of control by co-opting the protests and a long-standing understanding with militant soccer fans
that preceded the recent demonstrations that allowed supporters to protest as long
as they restricted themselves to the confines of the stadium.
The Algerian
military’s attempt to curtail fans and co-opt the revolt bumps up against the
fact that the protesters, like their counterparts in Sudan, Morocco, Pakistan
and Russia, have sought to avoid the risks of the military seeking to implement
a Saudi-United Arab Emirates template to blunt or squash the protests.
The core
lesson protesters learnt is that the protests’ success depends to a large
extent on demonstrators’ willingness and ability to sustain their protests even if security forces turn
violent. An Algeria that emerges from the African Cup final as the continent’s
champion would give the protesters a significant boost.
It also
constitutes an opportunity to ensure that Algeria does not revert to an
environment in which violence is seen as the only way to achieve results.
Said a
former senior Algerian intelligence official: “We will return to violence if
there is no real democratic transition. The African Cup doesn’t fundamentally
change that but does offer a window of opportunity.”
Dr. James
M. Dorsey is a senior fellow at Nanyang Technological University’s S.
Rajaratnam School of International Studies, an adjunct senior research fellow
at the National University of Singapore’s Middle East Institute and co-director
of the University of Wuerzburg’s Institute of Fan Culture.
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