US geopolitical interests offer Iran sanctions loophole amid mounting tension
By James M.
Dorsey
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The
Indian-backed Iranian port of Chabahar has emerged as a major loophole in a
tightening military and economic noose and ever harsher US sanctions that
President Donald J. Trump, reluctant to be sucked into yet another war, sees as
the best way to either force Tehran to its knees or achieve regime change.
Alice Wells,
the State Department’s assistant secretary for South and Central Asia, said
during a meeting with Afghan foreign minister Salahuddin Rabbani that Chabahar had been exempted at
Afghanistan’s request.
The State
Department said earlier that the exemption was granted because it was related to “reconstruction assistance
and economic development for Afghanistan, which includes the development and operation of Chabahar
Port.”
US officials
said privately that the exemption was also a nod to India that sees Chabahar as
vital for the expansion of its trade with Afghanistan and Central Asian
republics.
They said it
was moreover an anti-dote to the Chinese backed port of Gwadar just 70
kilometres down the Arabian Sea coast in the troubled neighbouring Pakistani
province of Balochistan.
That may be
a long shot, certainly as long as India like much of the rest of the world is restricted
by the US sanctions in its economic and commercial dealings with Iran.
The
exemption comes however as Chinese security concerns in Balochistan as well as
Pakistan at large are mounting.
China’s
massive US$45 billion plus Belt and Road-related infrastructure investment in
Pakistan with Gwadar and Balochistan at its core has become a prime target for
nationalist insurgents that has officials in Beijing worried. It has also
reinforced long-standing doubts in some circles in Beijing about the viability
of the project.
Dubbed the
China Pakistan Economic Corridor or CPEC, China sees the project, involving a
network of roads, railways and pipelines that would link Gwadar to China’s
troubled north-western province of Xinjiang as a key economic component of its brutal effort to Sincize the
strategic region’s Turkic Muslim population.
“China, you
came here (Balochistan) without our consent, supported our enemies, helped the Pakistani
military in wiping our villages. But now it’s our time… Baloch Liberation Army
(BLA) guarantees you that CPEC will fail miserably on the Baloch land. Balochistan
will be a graveyard for your expansionist motives,” a commander of the BLA’s
Majeed Brigade said in a video message released a week after militants stormed
a hilltop, highly secured luxury hotel in Gwadar, killing five people.
The BLA
claimed a month earlier responsibility for an attack on a convoy on a highway
leading out of Gwadar in which 14 Pakistani military personnel died and an
assault last year on the Chinese consulate in Karachi.
The attacks
and threats have prompted Chinese sceptics of China’s massive investment in
Pakistan to express their doubts more publicly.
“Gwadar
wants to be in the shipping business, but it has failed to do so. Pakistan’s
economy is not very good, and this port has become very wasteful … under these
circumstances, including with the hotel attack, how can China conduct its business?
The roads and traffic cannot even be maintained,” said Beijing-based military
analyst Zhou Chenming.
While many
in Pakistan believe that the BLA enjoys Iranian support and Iranians are
convinced that Pakistan enables shadowy Islamic militants who have
claimed responsibility for a rare suicide bombing in December in Chabahar and
attacks on Revolutionary Guards elsewhere in the Iranian province of Sistan and
Balochistan, fact of
the matter is that both countries are vulnerable to Baloch insurgents.
The
situation on both sides of the Iranian-Pakistani border is complicated by
suspicions that the violence also has links to the rivalry between Iran and
Saudi Arabia and that the Baloch provinces of Pakistan and Iran could become a
stage for a proxy war.
Amid reports
that China has reached out to Baloch
nationalist leaders in exile, Pakistani security analyst Muhammad Amir Rana cautioned
that the exiles may no longer be in control.
“The new
leadership of the Baloch insurgency largely hails from the educated middle
class with urban backgrounds and is not hiding in Europe; therefore, it does not face the sort of
constraints that exiled Baloch leaders do vis-à-vis Iran,” Mr. Rana said.
Mr. Rana
noted that Iran’s influence in Pakistani Balochistan was visible in oil
smuggled across the border, Iranian products in grocery shops and the supply of
electricity to the coastal strip of Makran that includes Gwadar.
“For
Pakistan, the security cost of CPEC is increasing which could frustrate the
Chinese as well as foreign and local investors,” Mr. Rana warned.
For now,
China confronts a more serious challenge in Gwadar, Balochistan as well as
other parts of Pakistan that are struggling with un-related incidents of political
violence compared to
India and Chabahar.
That could
change if the Saudi Iranian component of the low level Baloch insurgency spins
out of control with the escalating stand-off between the United States and
Iran.
Iran appears
to have pinned its hopes that Chabahar will be shielded from the impact of
regional tensions on the perceived US geopolitical need to protect India’s
interest in Afghanistan and Central Asia.
Said Pir
Mohammad Mollazeh, an Iranian Afghanistan and Central Asia scholar: “US
long-term geopolitical interests, due to the lack of relations with Iran,
require India to maintain its position in the region and protect India as a
partner in Central Asia… Chabahar port is considered to be a very important and
strategic which is an opportunity for our country to
enable Iran to reduce its sanctions by means of economic exchanges in Chabahar.”
Dr. James
M. Dorsey is a senior fellow at Nanyang Technological University’s S.
Rajaratnam School of International Studies, an adjunct senior research fellow
at the National University of Singapore’s Middle East Institute and co-director
of the University of Wuerzburg’s Institute of Fan Culture.
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