Keeping Saudi ultra-conservatism alive and kicking: Meet Sheikh Awesome
By James M.
Dorsey
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Meet Sheikh Assim Al-Hakeem, aka Sheikh Awesome, a multilingual, ultra-conservative, and
charismatic Saudi cleric.
Mr. Al-Hakeem is more than just any Saudi Islamic scholar.
An erstwhile Friday prayer imam of a mosque in Jeddah, Mr. Al-Hakeem articulates
views that at times align with those of Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman but,
at others, contradict the recasting of Saudi Arabia’s religious image projected
by the kingdom’s de facto ruler.
“I do not
consider myself as conservative or others as liberal. We have the Qur’an and
the Sunnah (the sayings and deeds of Prophet Mohammed). All I teach is
knowledge to enter heaven. It’s not rocket science. This is what God says in
the Qur’an. It’s black and white,” Mr. Al-Hakeem said in an interview.
Describing
himself as a “controversial” figure, Mr. Al-Hakeem initially declined to be
interviewed for this article. His office said in an email that the cleric “is
not authorized to talk about Saudi Arabia.” However, in a further exchange, he
agreed to discuss his religious views.
In stark
contrast to religious reformers like Nahdlatul Ulama, the largest and most
moderate Indonesia-based Muslim civil society movement, Mr. Al-Hakeem last
month appeared in an interview with popular Indonesian
podcaster Dondy Tan
to defend the inferior status of non-Muslims in Muslim society.
In 2019, a
meeting of 20,000 Nahdlatul Ulama religious scholars issued a fatwa eliminating
the legal category of kafir or infidel in Sharia. It replaced it with the
concept of citizens with equal rights irrespective of religious belief.
“In Islam,
we are ordered to love for the sake of Allah and to hate for the sake of Allah…It
means that if someone is in accordance with the teachings of Allah, the
Almighty God, and he's complying with his law, we love that individual… If
there is someone who disbelieves in Allah and who also insults our religion, I
cannot love this person... According to Islamic law, the Qur'an, and the Sunna,
I'm obliged to hate him," Mr. Al-Hakeem said.
“But hating
him does not mean I should be violent, do him wrong, or oppress him. This is
all unacceptable in my deen, my religion. So, what does it mean to hate him?
Meaning, I hate his disbelief… I have a lot of Christian friends... They know
me, and they visit me. They invite me, I invite them. Are we best of friends?
Of course not… The moment they become Muslims, they become brothers, our
brothers, and beloved ones to us,” Mr. Al-Hakeem added.
Sporting a
flowing grey beard and an intricately woven white skullcap, the cleric defended
imposing an extra tax on non-Muslim residents in a Muslim-majority country,
even if Saudi Arabia has not implemented the Sharia rule.
“In return for what? In return, they live safely in our
country or their country. And if there were an army to attack their country,
they do not defend themselves. It's the Muslim army, the Muslim nation, the
Muslim people who are obliged to protect them, and they don't even raise a hand,”
Mr. Al-Hakeem said.
Mr. Al-Hakeem declined to comment on Nahdlatul Ulama's
approach in the interview.
Noting that Indonesia was not an Arab country, Mr.
Al-Hakeem added, "They don't speak native Arabic. Their scholars are not
as well known as those from Medina and Cairo. I don't know who qualifies as a
scholar rather than someone trying to make an easy buck. I would need to meet
them and hear from them to tell them what is right and wrong."
To be sure,
Mr. Al-Hakeem, a 9/11 conspiracy theorist, is not the only ultra-conservative
cleric whose views are at odds with Mr. Bin Salman’s projected image of Saudi
Arabia as socially and religiously tolerant, engaged in inter-faith dialogue,
forward-looking, and cutting edge.
However, most
have chosen to remain silent or publicly endorse the crown prince’s policies to
avoid arrest and preserve their relations with the government.
To be sure,
while expressing ultra-conservative views on social mores, Mr. Al-Hakeem has
shied away from openly criticizing Mr. Bin Salman or the government. That may
be the trick.
"I represent
Islam and speak about Islam. But we refrain from commenting whenever there is a
conflict of interest with political opinion. They have their own people to
comment without getting into trouble," Mr. Al-Hakeem said in the
interview.
Yet, with
multiple religious proponents of more liberal reforms and ultra-conservatives
behind bars, the question remains: why does Mr. Al-Hakeem feel free to express his
controversial religious views in a country that cracks down harshly on freedom
of expression?
In July, a
Saudi human rights group on Twitter and Instagram reported that authorities arrested Saudi religious scholar Sheikh Badr Al-Meshari, an outspoken critic of Mr. Bin
Salman’s promotion of a Western-style entertainment industry.
Mr. Al-Meshari
last posted in February on his Twitter account with 550,000 followers. His tweets before that largely
supported King Salman and the crown prince, and particularly the Saudi military
intervention in Yemen.
In another
incident, a Saudi court last year sentenced Salah al-Talib, former imam of the
Grand Mosque in Mecca, to 10 years in prison for insisting on a Muslim’s duty in Islam to speak out
against evil in public.
Mr.
Al-Talib, arrested in 2018, charged that Western-style events
staged by the kingdom’s General Entertainment Authority violated Saudi Arabia’s
religious and cultural norms.
“This…is not
equivalent to a break between the Saudi state and religion or the religious
establishment, but rather a comprehensive campaign against
religious actors and narratives who reside outside of the official institutions and
narratives directed by the regime,” said Middle East scholar Jon Hoffman.
In an interview with Fox News this week, Mr. Bin Salman potentially opened
the door to easing the crackdown or, at least, an end to unjustifiable harsh
sentences, even if the repression of freedom of expression remains in place.
Asked about the
kingdom's recent
sentencing to death
of Muhammad al-Ghamdi, a 54-year-old teacher and brother of a detained
dissident Islamist scholar, for his activity on X, formerly known as Twitter,
Mr. Bin Salman confirmed the verdict, expressed unhappiness about it, and
asserted that laws would be changed.
However, he
shied away from raising the possibility of pardoning Mr. Al-Ghamdi and
suggested easing restrictions on freedom of expression was not an immediate
priority.
"Shamely,
it's true. Something I don't like. We are doing our best (to change) that. We
already added a few laws. We already changed tens of laws in Saudi Arabia. The
list has 1,000 items. In the Cabinet, I have only 150 lawyers. So, I am trying
to prioritise the change day by day… But do we have bad laws? Yes. We are
changing that, yes,” Mr. Bin Salman said.
One reason
Mr. Bin Salman may be giving Mr. Al-Hakeem some rope is a possible willingness
to appease, in a limited fashion, the kingdom’s once powerful
ultra-conservative clergy that he has subjugated and bent to his will since coming
to power in 2015. Thousands of clerics were forced to pledge not to criticize
the government.
Another
explanation could be that the crown prince’s tolerance of men like Mr.
Al-Hakeem indicates a transactional approach towards social reform, embracing
changes required by his effort to diversify the kingdom’s oil-dependent economy
and ensure the buy-in of its majority under-35 population.
In any case,
Mr. Bin Salman's indulgence of men like Mr. Al-Hakeem suggests a refusal to
anchor his reforms in an overhaul of Islamic jurisprudence that would align
Sharia law with the changes he is implementing.
A
just-released Washington Institute for Near East Policy public opinion poll may help explain Mr. Salman’s
approach. Religion emerged in the survey as a significant concern for Saudis.
Just under
half of those surveyed, 48 per cent compared to 27 per cent in a 2017 poll, favoured
a reinterpretation of their faith when presented with a choice between “the
traditional view of Islam” and “those who are trying to interpret Islam in a
more modern direction.”
The poll
also lifted a veil on Saudi perceptions of the limitations of moderation.
Only three
per cent of those polled said they would “permit Christian or Jewish tourists
to have prayer meetings in designated places.” Similarly, a mere five per cent
suggested "we should show more respect for the world's Jews and improve
our relations with them."
Similarly,
46 per cent prioritised guarantees for Muslim rights at Jerusalem’s Al-Aqsa
Mosque, Islam’s third holiest site, above securing Palestinian rights in any
agreement to establish diplomatic relations between Saudi Arabia and Israel.
In the
interview, Mr. Al-Hakeem dismissed the survey. “We don’t care about such surveys.
We care about the word of God. Islam is still striving after 1500 years, no
matter how vicious the attacks of our enemies are. Muslims are still the fastest-growing
followers on earth. Who cares about such surveys?”
The survey
was conducted as Saudi Arabia and the United States discussed potential terms
for a Saudi-Israeli deal. Mr. Bin Salman has insisted that Israeli progress in
resolving the Palestinian issue is a pre-condition.
At the same
time, Mr. Bin Salman has sought to break with Mr. Al-Hakeem’s
ultra-conservative and supremacist interpretation of Islam that has dominated
Saudi Arabia since its founding in 1932. This interpretations projected the
kingdom as secretive, inward-looking, intolerant, misogynous, and in many ways
out of touch with modernity.
Instead, Mr.
Bin Salman has worked to create an image of a country that is open to the
world, accepting of others, and supportive of women’s professional and personal
opportunities.
In line with
Muslim legal tradition, Mr. Bin Salman has ignored outdated or obsolete
provisions of Islamic law rather than amending the Sharia.
That allows
Mr. Al-Hakeem to project the kingdom in ways that are at odds with the crown
prince's imaging as long as those clauses remain on the books.
Mr.
Al-Hakeem prides himself on having spent time in 2007 with controversial
arch-conservative religious scholars such as fugitive Indian cleric Zakir Naik;
Bilal Philips, a Jamaican-Canadian imam who was an unindicted co-conspirator in the
1993 World Trade Center bombing, and American Muslim preacher Yusuf Estes.
Mr. Estes
was barred entry into Singapore in 2017 because his “divisive views breed
intolerance and exclusivist practices that will damage social harmony.”
Mr.
Al-Hakeem said he had maintained those relationships over the years.
Mr.
Al-Hakeem’s “popular style combined an uncanny familiarity with
American culture and a conservative Salafi perspective firmly rooted within the religious
world of Saudi Arabia" before Mr. Bin Salman’s rise, said Middle East
scholar Thomas Maguire in a paper published in 2016.
“Sheikh
Awesome hews closely to the politically quietist position that characterizes
the vast majority of adherents to contemporary Salafism,” Mr. Maguire added.
He pointed
to Mr. Al Hakeem’s statement during the 2011 popular Arab revolts that protests
were only permissible if authorized by the government, peaceful, and gender
segregated.
Mr. Maguire
said he got to know Mr. Al-Hakeem when the two men co-hosted in 2005 a Ramadan
fatwa call-in program on Huda TV, an English-language, Cairo-based Islamic
satellite channel.
Mr.
Al-Hakeem said he didn’t know or could not remember Mr. Maguire.
On social
media, Mr. Al-Hakeem counsels his 388,000 Facebook followers and 390,000 on X on proper Islamic precepts adherence.
"Need
marriage counseling? Or any other one-to-one live counseling via Skype,
FaceTime, etc., by Sheikh Assim al Hakeem?” At a cost of US$100 per half-hour, Mr. Al-Hakeem is happy to oblige.
Mr. Al-Hakeem’s website notes that the cleric is open to invitations for
lectures and seminars.
“Sheikh
requires an official visa stating that he is going for lecturing, a business
class ticket on Saudi Airlines or Qatar Airways, and hotel accommodation,” the
website says.
Since its
founding, Mr. Al-Hakeem has been associated with the Zad online Islamic studies academy and satellite tv, which has attracted 2.2 million followers on Facebook.
Co-founded by clerics who allegedly support the Muslim Brotherhood, the academy enrolls students free
of charge. It is about to roll out an English-language curriculum alongside its
Arabic programming. Mr. Al-Hakeem said he would teach English-language courses.
On YouTube
videos and in textbooks, Zad Academy instructors advocate female circumcision, order women to walk on the side of
the road so as not to crowd men in the middle, declare a woman’s face private, reject freedom of religion, endorse the death
penalty for apostasy, and celebrate a Muslim’s superiority over a non-Muslim.
In 2021, the
Egyptian newspaper Al-Dustur quoted a Zad Academy textbook as saying, “Enmity
for God's enemies requires several things, including hating disbelief and its
people and harboring enmity towards them, not having infidels as friends, and keeping separate from them,
even if they are relatives.”
Last year,
Mr. Al-Hakeem echoed some of the academy’s
conservative views on women, implicitly distancing himself from Mr. Bin Salman's enhancement of women's
rights and loosening strict gender segregation.
Rejecting
advocates of platonic relationships between men and women, Mr. Al-Hakeem
insisted, "We cannot speak with such people… We find that free mixing is
totally prohibited in Islam. We find that the Prophet said, may peace be upon
Him, 'No man would be alone with a woman in seclusion, except the third one
with them would be Sheitan (the Devil).’ We find that Allah orders women to
lower their gaze and not to soften their voices when speaking to the opposite
gender.”
Mr.
Al-Hakeem defined a woman who wears perfume in circumstances where an unrelated
man could smell it as a “fornicator.”
However, speaking
to Mr. Tan, Mr. Al-Hakeem appeared to distance himself from the call to
sentence Muslims who abandon their faith to death.
“We say, those who leave Islam, they're more than welcome.
We don't want them because they are a hindrance to us, and they are tarnishing
our reputation,” Mr. Al-Hakeem said.
In the
interview, Mr. Al-Hakeem said he shared the views of the Zad Academy
instructors “with reservations,” particularly regarding female circumcision. He
said his daughters had not been circumcised.
“I’m
inclined to say it is not mandatory but recommended when there is a need. That
is a decision for physicians to make. It may help some females in their sexual
orientation,” Mr. Al-Hakeem said.
Dr. James M. Dorsey is an Honorary
Fellow at Singapore’s Middle East Institute-NUS, an Adjunct Senior Fellow at
Nanyang Technological University’s S. Rajaratnam School of International
Studies, and the author of the syndicated column and podcast, The Turbulent World with James M.
Dorsey.
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