Israel expands its Iran strategy amid potential social unrest in the Islamic republic
By James M.
Dorsey
Israeli
Prime Minister Naftali Bennett has laid out an expanded Israeli strategy to
confront Iran that appears
to move beyond a potential military strike against the Islamic republic’s
nuclear facilities.
Mr. Bennett
appeared to be guided not only by concern about the fallout of a unilateral
Israeli action but also seemingly mounting fears in Tehran that economic
hardship could spark a social explosion.
“Bennett’s
new approach is to take action gradually in an attempt to exhaust Iran’s power,
wear it down and weaken the violent energy it is sending to its offshoots in
the Middle East,” said Haaretz journalist Jonathan Lis.
The expanded
strategy is likely rooted, at least partially, in the notion that harsh US
sanctions have deepened Iran's economic woes but that these are also the result
of gross economic mismanagement, rampant corruption, and the cost of supporting
Iranian intervention in Syria and militias in Lebanon, Iraq, and Yemen. Iran
hopes that lifting US sanctions as part of an agreement in Vienna would
alleviate its economic problems.
Israel’s
strategy appeared until now to centre on a possible military strike against
Iranian nuclear facilities for which Israel’s armed forces are preparing.
Military
analysts have questioned how effective an Israeli
strike might be in
destroying Iran’s nuclear capability. Moreover, Israel could face severe
international criticism, including by the United States, if it were to strike
unilaterally once the Vienna talks succeed in reviving the nuclear accord.
Mr. Bennett
last month reiterated that Israel would not be bound by any
nuclear deal with Iran and would continue to consider itself free to act “with no constraints”
if necessary.
At the same
time, the Israeli prime minister warned participants in the 2022 Davos World
Economic Forum that “investing in Iran is not a sound
investment whether
there is a deal or not a deal... Their economy is tanking. The rial is
depreciating. They are so incompetent that they are not able to get water to
faucets in huge swaths of land, for example, in the Isfahan area," Mr.
Bennett said.
The notion
that a war of attrition could wear Iran down may have gained currency with the leaking of a seven-page summary
of a meeting in
November. In the meeting, senior commanders of the Islamic Revolutionary Guard
Corps warned that Iranian society was, in the words of a Mr. Mohammadi,
identified as an official of the Guards’ intelligence wing, in a “state of
explosion.”
The
seriousness of the warning was highlighted by the fact that the meeting was
reportedly convened by the Guards’ ‘Working Group on the Prevention of a
Livelihood-Based Security Crisis.'
Mr.
Mohammadi argued that soaring inflation; hikes in the price of food, energy,
and cars; and declining stock prices had “shaken public trust” in the
government of President Ebrahim Raisi only months after it came to office.
Shareholders
last month staged a protest in front of the
Istanbul stock exchange denouncing Mr. Raisi as a “liar,’ and chanting “Death to this deceitful
government.”
An Iranian
legal and economic consultant said that millions of small investors had recently
sustained substantial losses on the Iranian stock market.
“They’ve
seen a substantial portion of their savings wiped out… When you get the
shopkeeper on the corner talking about the stock market, you know you're in an
advanced stage of a bubble. So people are moving assets offshore and buying
property abroad," he said. Iranians are among the top buyers of residential real estate in neighbouring Turkey.
The adviser
said the Iranian government’s proposed budget for the next year was fuelling
the unrest. The budget significantly increases expenditure on the Guards and
the military at the expense of social spending. Moreover, a ten per cent rise
in government salaries would fall far below Iran’s rampant inflation estimated a
40 per cent.
According to
the leaked document, a Colonel Kaviani told the Guards’ meeting that real
inflation ranged from 86 to 268 per cent.
Some Iranian
officials have suggested that a series of recent cyberattacks
targeting airlines, railways, gas stations, universities, and Iran’s state
broadcaster is part
of an Israeli effort to capitalise on and fuel widespread discontent.
Others said
the attack on state-run Iranian television and radio might not have been
launched by Israel but be an effort by Iranian hardliners to undermine the
position of the broadcaster’s director-general, Peyman Jebelli, who they accuse
of being insufficiently conservative. Either way, the attack and potentially
other cyber incidents would serve Israel's purpose even if the Jewish state was
not directly responsible.
Analysts
said the attacks constituted an expansion of Israel’s targeting of Iranian
military and nuclear sites toward a more full-fledged cyberwar on civilian
infrastructure as well as an escalating information war.
In a seeming
response, a cyber group operated by Hezbollah, the Iranian-backed militia in
Lebanon, hacked companies in Israel,
Palestine, the United Arab Emirates, Saudi Arabia, Jordan, Egypt, the United
States, and Britain,
according to ClearSky, a cybersecurity company. Iran is also believed to have
targeted Israel’s water system, a hospital, and an LGBTQ dating site.
“Given that
Iran’s nuclear facilities have spread all over the country and attacking the
program has become much more complicated, Israel has adopted a new approach —
conducting massive cyberattacks…to foment nationwide riots with the
objective of toppling the regime or keeping the rulers busy with day-to-day, endless riots,”
said Maysam Behravesh, a former foreign policy advisor for Iran’s Ministry of
Intelligence and Security.
Mr.
Behravesh argued that the cyberattacks were not instead of an Israeli attack
but buying time in advance of a strike.
“This change
of pattern by the Israelis to hit civilian targets is a pre-strike stage,
meaning they’re giving this one last chance before resorting to a full-scale
military operation against Iranian nuclear facilities,” he said.
In an
apparent escalation of the information war, the BBC last week disclosed a
suspected Iranian network on Facebook aimed at nationalist and
ultra-religious Jews in an attempt to stoke division and inflame tensions with
Palestinians.
The United
States and Saudi Arabia have, in the past separately, tried without success to
provoke widespread unrest in Iran by supporting dissident ethnic groups.
The Saudi
effort is a reminder that what starts in the Middle East does not always stay
in the Middle East. It sparked a tit-for-tat exchange between Saudi and Iranian
intelligence assets in the Netherlands, Denmark, and Norway.
A Danish
district court last week convicted three members of an Iranian
Arab opposition group on charges of financing and supporting terrorist activity in Iran in collaboration with Saudi
Arabian intelligence services as well as espionage.
Last year, a
Danish court upheld a seven-year sentence given to
a Norwegian citizen of Iranian origin for spying and collaboration in a failed
plot to kill one of
the Iranian Arabs sentenced last week.
The notion
that an escalating cyberwar could escalate beyond Israel and Iran as it
apparently did with the Hezbollah attacks on companies across the region and
beyond was but one reason for authorities in numerous countries to step up
joint exercises focussed on cyberattacks from a wide variety of state-sponsored
and criminal entities, of which Iran is only one, and not necessarily the most
important one.
Israel's
Joint Cyber Defense Division and the US Cyber Command organised their sixth joint drill in a year in December. Israel led a 10-country simulation of a major
cyberattack on the global financial system at about the same time.
Participants
included treasury officials from Israel, the United States, the UK, the UAE,
Austria, Switzerland, Germany, Italy, the Netherlands, and Thailand, as well as
representatives from the International Monetary Fund, World Bank, and Bank of
International Settlements.
Yigal Una,
head of Israel’s National Cyber Directorate, said that in “the end we know
everyone who’s behind (an attack) and we remember, and we can get even… We don't feel for one second that we
don't have the upper hand.”
To watch a video version of this story please click
here.
A podcast version is available on Soundcloud, Itunes, Spotify, Stitcher, TuneIn, Spreaker, Pocket Casts, Tumblr, Podbean, Audecibel, Patreon,
and Castbox.
Dr. James M. Dorsey is an award-winning
journalist and scholar and a Senior Fellow at the National University of
Singapore’s Middle East Institute.
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