Putting the Taliban and Mustafa Kemal on par: Mullah Omar and Ataturk would both turn in their grave
By James M. Dorsey
Dogu Perincek is celebrating the perceived defeat of
US forces in Afghanistan. The staunchly anti-American Turkish politician doesn’t
fare well in elections and has no official position in government but his sway
on official thinking should not be underestimated.
His response to the US withdrawal from Afghanistan
suggests that it is not just Islamists and jihadists who are having a field day
with the American setback. So are civilisationalists who think in terms of a
civilizational rather than a nation-state and ultra-nationalists who propagate
the notion of a
Eurasia-dominated world.
“The Afghan
nation has waged a war for the past 20 years against the US under the
leadership of the Taliban,” Mr. Perincek said on television. “The Taliban have
beaten US imperialism. The Taliban
were successful in Afghanistan’s war of independence like Mustafa Kemal Pasha
did in Turkey.”
The bizarre
comparison by Mr. Perincek, a left-wing secularist who has long advocated a Turkish
alignment in Eurasia with Russia and China, would likely prompt the late
Taliban leader Mullah Omar and Mustafa Kemal Ataturk, the
general-turned-statesman who carved secular Turkey out of the ruins of the
Ottoman empire, to turn in their graves.
It put two
mutually exclusive poles of the Muslim world, an ultra-conservative religious
movement and a Muslim proponent of a militant form of secularism, on par with
one another, something neither would have appreciated.
In contrast
to the Taliban, Mr. Kemal’s Turkish republic in its early years banned religious
clothing, sought to remove religion from the public square, changed the Turkish
alphabet from Arabic to a modified Latin one, and significantly enhanced women's
rights.
Mr.
Perincek’s view nevertheless reflects a sentiment present not only in
government circles in Ankara but also in Pakistan where the country’s leaders
feel either slighted or unappreciated by the United States.
Pakistani
Prime Minister Imran Khan appeared to welcome the Taliban victory by describing
it as “breaking
the chains of slavery” even if Pakistan has said it would not rush to
recognize a new government once installed in Kabul and was pushing for it to be
inclusive.
Foreign Minister
Shah Mahmood Qureishi noted that representatives of the Northern Alliance that
is opposed to the Taliban had been in his office only last week.
Mr. Qureishi
went on to lament the lack
of recognition of Pakistan’s contribution to evacuations from Afghanistan
against the backdrop of the South Asian nation’s assertions that it is a victim
of the fallout of the Afghan wars.
“We are
facilitating, our planes are flying into Kabul and getting people out. Our
embassy is functioning 24/7 helping people. Diplomatic personnel, international
organizations. Are we being acknowledged? No. We are not even being mentioned
in the list of countries that are helping evacuate people. Is this an
oversight? I’m not sure,” Mr. Qureishi thundered.
Relations
between the United States and Pakistan have long ebbed and flowed with US
officials at times accusing the South Asian state of having given birth to the
Taliban in 1994 and supporting them ever since.
The linkage
between sentiment in Ankara and Islamabad in the wake of the US withdrawal from
Afghanistan is significant because it highlights one potential effect of the
debacle.
Sentiment in
Turkey and Pakistan, two of the Muslim world’s more powerful countries, impacts
the geopolitical environment as the United States seeks to concentrate on its
rivalries with Russia and China.
Turkey and
Pakistan have not only troubled relations with the United States but also less
solid ties to China than meets the eye. Turkey, moreover, is both a member of
NATO and maintains a fragile
alliance with Russia, whose concepts of Eurasianism make them as much
allies as rivals.
As a concept,
Turkish Eurasianism borrows elements of Kemalism, Turkish
nationalism, socialism, and radical secularism. It traces its roots to Kadro, an influential leftist
magazine published in Turkey between 1932 and 1934 and Yon, a left-wing magazine
launched in the wake of a military coup in 1960 that gained increased currency
following yet another military takeover in 1980.
Turkish Eurasianism, like its Russian equivalent, is
opposed to liberal capitalism and globalization; believes that Western powers
want to carve up Turkey; and sees Turkey’s future in alignment with Russia,
Central Asia, and China.
Differences with the United States over the war in Syria
and US support for Syrian Kurds boosted Eurasianist thinking as it gained
currency among Turkish bureaucrats and security forces as well as in think
thanks and academia. The influence of Eurasianist generals was further
bolstered in 2016 when they replaced officers who were accused
to have participated in a failed coup against Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan.
Mr. Perincek’s influence was at the time enhanced by, together
with the deputy leader of his Patriotic Party, Ismail Hakki Pekin, a former
head of military intelligence, mediating a reconciliation between Russia and
Turkey following the Turkish air force’s downing of a Russian fighter in 2015.
The two men were supported by Turkish businessmen
close to Mr. Erdogan and ultra-nationalist Eurasianist elements in the military.
Fitting the pattern of Eurasianism, relations between Turkey and Pakistan
have tightened in recent years with nationalistic Turkish tv series that
celebrates the Ottomans winning hearts in minds in Pakistan, Pakistani
support for Turkish-backed Azerbaijan in last year’s Caucasus war against
Armenia, and stepped up military cooperation.
Turkey's
main aerospace manufacturer said this weekend that it had agreed with a
Pakistani partner to produce
in Pakistan components for a Turkish, medium-altitude, long-endurance drone.
Turkish drones have performed well on battlefields in Azerbaijan, Libya, and
Syria.
Said prominent
Turkish Eurasianist Erol Manisali: “Turkey has common strategic interests with
Russia, China, and Iran. Turkey’s
improving relations with prominent Asian powers…are, all things being equal, a
natural outcome of the local dynamics of the region.”
A podcast
version of this story is available on Soundcloud, Itunes, Spotify, Stitcher, TuneIn, Spreaker, Pocket Casts, Tumblr, Podbean, Audecibel, Patreon and Castbox.
Dr. James
M. Dorsey is an award-winning journalist and scholar and a senior fellow at the
National University of Singapore’s Middle East Institute.
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