Smugglers’ protests: Iran succumbs to trauma and demons
By James M. Dorsey
The clashes
sparked by a crackdown on cross border fuel smuggling to neighbouring Pakistan achieved
what past US and Saudi machinations failed to accomplish: ethnic unrest in a
strategic, impoverished and long restive majority Sunni province in
predominantly Shiite Iran.
The clashes
in February erupted after Iranian Revolutionary Guards killed two smugglers,
prompting protesters to storm the governor’s office in the city of Saravan and
burn police cars. Security forces dispersed crowds with tear gas, closed off
roads and temporarily shut down Internet connections to prevent the protests
from spreading.
True to form,
the Guards denied responsibility.
Tasnim News Agency, a privately owned news outlet with
close ties to the Guards, reported that the shots that killed the smugglers had
been fired from the Pakistani province of Baluchistan. Tasnim reported several
attacks in the days before and after the clashes that targeted the Guards as well as Intelligence Ministry officials in Sistan and
Balochistan.
The Guards’ response constitutes more
than a tired effort to evade responsibility. It is rooted in a deep-seated
belief that Iran’s foremost enemies, the United States and Saudi Arabia, are
bent on overthrowing the regime in Tehran and have repeatedly attempted to
foment unrest using Pakistani Baluchistan as a launching pad.
While Iran has reason to fear
attempts to destabilize the country, it often fails to separate the wheat from
the chafe. As a result, the government frequently responds to crises in ways that
threaten to aggravate rather than solve problems.
The Guards’ assertion that the shots
were fired from Pakistan suggests that an investigation into the incident
announced by the foreign ministry is unlikely to draw a different conclusion.
A precarious calm has returned to
Sistan and Balochistan with the help of a prominent local Sunni cleric, Shaikh Abdolhamid Ismaeelzahi, who used the opportunity to call on the government to apply the law and
tackle the region’s social and economic problems.
Seemingly rejecting the Guards’
version of events, Mr. Ismaeelzahi insisted that “the officers who made
mistakes should be punished according to the law.”
The Guard’s version was also
countered by the province’s deputy governor, Mohamad Hadi Marashi, who asserted that security forces
“were forced to resort to shooting” because their “honour” was at risk due to
fuel porters’ “attempts to enter the (Guards’) base,” stone-throwing, and other
“destructive actions.”
Mr. Ismaeelzahi went on to say that
the “selling of fuel is not a crime or smuggling, rather it’s one of the means
of income through which thousands of families make a living… Governments have a
duty to plan for the sustenance of people so that no one is forced to choose
hazardous jobs.”
For residents of Sistan and Balochistan,
one of Iran’s provinces with the highest rate of unemployment, smuggling is
often the only way to put bread on the table. Anger has been mounting at the
killing of scores of smugglers each year by security forces.
Some 120 people, many believed
to be Baloch nationalists, are on death row in the central prison of the provincial capital of Zahedan. Five have
been executed since January.
The risk smugglers run is enhanced by
the fact that Baloch nationalists operating from Pakistan have repeatedly
launched attacks on the Iranian side of the border. Iran boasts some of the
world’s lowest gas prices.
Iranian authorities had hoped that fuel hikes in November 2019 that sparked
mass anti-government protests in which at least 225 people were killed by
security forces would dampen the incentive for smuggling. Officials and
smugglers say it did not.
"Increasing the price of
gasoline does not affect fuel smuggling because the main fuel that is
transported is diesel,” said Ahmed, a smuggler. “When I sit behind the wheel of a
van full of diesel, I feel like I am carrying a big bomb, but I have no other
way of escaping unemployment and earning a living."
Iranian concerns about the porous
border with Pakistan are not unfounded.
Senior US and Saudi officials played in 2017 publicly with the
idea of pressuring Iran by supporting potential unrest among Iranian ethnic
minorities, including Balochis, who straddle both sides of the Iranian-Pakistan
border.
Pakistani militants asserted at the time that Saudi
funds were pouring into religious seminaries in Balochistan that were operated
by anti-Shia and anti-Iranian groups.
Intermittent efforts to foster unrest
in Iran using Pakistani Baluchistan as a base date back to the presidency of George W. Bush.
Men like Mr. Ismaeelzahi suggest that
investment in cross-border trade would serve to pacify Iran’s restive
southeast, improve standards of living, and allow Iran to circumvent US
sanctions.
“Borders are important potentials.
Our country has a wide border with some Arab countries in the southeast by sea
and it shares borders with Afghanistan and Pakistan by land… Exchange of goods
at borders is one of the most important ways of living and employing for
people,” Mr. Ismaeelzahi said.
Acting on his advice would require
Iranian authorities to expand their fixation on border security to include
human security. That would mean adopting a prism that is not exclusively framed
by concern about real and imagined external plots and machinations.
With the government preoccupied with
a tug of war with US President Joe Biden about who goes first in reviving the
moribund 2015 international agreement that curbed Iran’s nuclear program and
elections scheduled in the next months, that is likely to prove a tall order.
A podcast version of this story is
available on Soundcloud, Itunes, Spotify, Stitcher, TuneIn, Spreaker, Pocket Casts, Tumblr, Podbean, Audecibel, Patreon and Castbox.
Dr. James M. Dorsey is an award-winning
journalist and a senior fellow at Nanyang Technological University’s S.
Rajaratnam School of International Studies in Singapore and the National
University of Singapore’s Middle East Institute as well as an Honorary Senior
Non-Resident Fellow at Eye on ISIS
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