Indonesia potentially set to take on China and claim leadership of ‘moderate’ Islam
By James M. Dorsey
President Joko Widodo’s recent cabinet
reshuffle suggests that Indonesia may adopt a more critical attitude
towards China and reinforce government support for efforts by Nahdlatul Ulama
(NU), the world’s largest Muslim movement, to reform Islam and position the
Southeast Asian state as a key player in a battle
with Middle Eastern rivals for the soul of Islam.
Mr. Widodo signaled his potential policy moves with
the appointment of ambassador to the United States Muhammad Lutfi as trade
minister and prominent Nahdlatul Ulama official Yaqut Cholil Qoumas as minister
of religious affairs.
Mr. Lutfi’s appointment came two months after a visit
by Mike Pompeo to Jakarta in October at the invitation of Nahdlatul Ulama
during which the Secretary of State extended Indonesia’s access to a preferential
tariff arrangement and opened the door to a free trade agreement with the
United States.
Mr. Pompeo emphasized in talks with Mr. Widodo and in
an address to a Nahdlatul Ulama conference the need to challenge
China’s territorial claims in the South China Sea as well as its brutal
crackdown on Turkic Muslims in the People’s Republic’s north-western province
of Xinjiang.
Indonesia, the world’s largest Muslim-majority
democracy, extradited
to China three Uighurs, the dominant Turkic ethnic group in Xinjiang, just
days before Mr. Pompeo’s arrival.
Mr. Qoumas’ appointment is significant not only
because of his prominent Nahdlatul Ulama background but also given the fact
that he is one of the leaders of the movement’s most influential wing that has
adopted a tough position on China’s repression of the Uighurs.
Indonesia has to date sought to walk
a fine line in escalating tensions between the United States and China,
including its refusal to speak out on the plight of the Uighurs. Indonesia has
further sought to balance rejection of Chinese maritime claims in Indonesian
waters with a desire to attract Chinese investment.
An Islamic scholar and leader of Nahdlatul Ulama’s GP Ansor
Youth Movement, Mr. Qoumas, alongside his brother, Yahya Cholil Staquf, NU’s
secretary general, has been a driving force in the promotion of the movement’s
concept of Humanitarian
Islam, based on principles of tolerance, pluralism and the embrace of the
Universal Declaration of Human Rights.
Nahdlatul Ulama’s government-backed promotion of the
concept has put it in direct competition with major efforts by Saudi Arabia,
the United Arab Emirates, Turkey, and Iran to garner religious soft power by
propagating a statist interpretation of the faith.
It is an interpretation that in the case of the
kingdom and the UAE professes adherence to tolerance and inter-faith dialogue
but demands absolute obedience to the ruler. Turkey and Iran push
interpretations of the faith that embrace elements of political Islam as well
as authoritarian governance.
In one of his early statements as minister, Mr. Qoumas
appeared to be challenging more traditional wings of Nahdlatul Ulama by
declaring in remarks during a visit to a Protestant church that he would
protect the rights
of Shiites and Ahmadis, two minorities that have been on the defensive amid
concerns of mounting intolerance in Indonesia.
Senior figures within Nahdlatul Ulama continue to view
Shi'ites, who constitute a mere 1.2 per cent of the Indonesian population, as
one of the foremost
domestic threats to Indonesian national security and an Iranian fifth
wheel. Similarly, many in Nahdlatul Ulama reject Ahmadis identifying themselves
as Muslims because the sect refuses to acknowledge the finality of the Prophet
Mohammed.
"I don't want members of Shia and Ahmadiyya displaced
from their homes because of their beliefs. They are citizens (whose rights)
must be protected. The Religious Ministry will facilitate a more intensive
dialogue to bridge differences,” Mr. Qoumas said, referring to attacks on
minorities.
Mr. Qoumas’ Nahdlatul Ulama youth wing, together with its
five-million strong militia, has played a key role in confronting militant
Islamic groups, like Hizb ut-Tahrir and the Islamic Defenders Front (FDI).
GP Ansor officials take pride in have engineered
situations that in 2017 led to the banning of Hizb ut-Tahrir, a controversial
global movement that calls for the restoration of the Caliphate.
The government last month banned
FDI, established as a vigilante group that was a major organizer of mass
protests in 2016 that led to the defeat of Basuki Tjahaja Purnama, a Christian
of Chinese descent better known as Ahok, in mayoral elections in Jakarta and
his subsequent sentencing on blasphemy charges.
The ban came weeks after the return to Indonesia from
self-exile in Saudi Arabia of FDI leader Rizieq Shahib. Mr. Shahib was arrested
for allegedly violating coronavirus restrictions.
The outlawing of Hizb ut-Tahrir and FDI on the basis
of a presidential decree that enables the government to bypass legal procedures
and fast-track the banning of groups it considers security threats prompted
human rights groups to warn that Indonesia was undermining
rights of freedom of association and
expression.
Deputy justice minister,
Edward Omar Sharif Hiariej, told reporters that FPI was outlawed because some
30 members of the group had been convicted on terrorism charges and because the
group defied Indonesia’s state ideology, Pancasila, which stresses unity and
diversity.
The banning of FDI followed the election in November of
Miftachul Akhyar, a Nahdlatul Ulama cleric, as head of the influential
Indonesian Ulama Council (MUI) to replace Ma’ruf Amin, Mr. Widodo’s
vice-president who in the past took a hardline against minorities and advocated
Orthodox Sunni Muslim positions. Mr. Akhyar is Nahdlatul Ulama’s spiritual
guide.
The election further removed from the council’s
leadership several clerics who had backed the anti-Ahok demonstrations. They were
replaced by at least one supporter of Humanitarian Islam, Masdar Masudi, as
well as scholars from Muhamadiyya, Indonesia’s second largest Muslim movement,
viewed as progressives.
Nonetheless, some analysts suggest that the council,
in apparent contradiction to Mr. Qoumas, will not break its discriminatory attitude
towards minorities.
Said Alexander
R Arifianto, an Indonesia scholar at Singapore’s S. Rajaratnam School of
International Studies: “When it comes to marginalized minorities, we can expect
the new MUI leadership to retain their conservative standing. Mainstream
Islamic clerics — including those within MUI — tend to share a conservative
orthodoxy in their religious interpretation toward these groups.”
A podcast
version of this story is available on Soundcloud, Itunes, Spotify, Stitcher, TuneIn, Spreaker, Pocket Casts, Tumblr, Podbean, Audecibel, Patreon and Castbox.
Dr. James
M. Dorsey is an award-winning journalist and a senior fellow at Nanyang
Technological University’s S. Rajaratnam School of International Studies in
Singapore and the National University of Singapore’s Middle East Institute.
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