Controversial Israeli soccer club may be litmus test for UAE soft power ploy
By James M.
Dorsey
An Emirati offer
to invest
in Israel’s most controversial soccer club could serve as a figurative litmus
test of hopes that Arab recognition of the Jewish state may persuade it to be
more empathetic towards Palestinian national aspirations.
It was not
immediately clear whether the offer was to acquire or co-invest in Beitar
Jerusalem, notorious for its links to the ruling Likud party and the
Israeli far-right as well as racist anti-Arab, anti-Muslim sentiments among an
influential segment of its fan base.
Israeli
sources suggested that the offer was made by a businessman with close ties to
the Abu Dhabi United Group for Development and Investment (ADUG).
ADUG, owned
by UAE deputy prime minister Sheikh Mansour bin Zayed Al Nahyan, a half-brother
of Crown Prince Mohammed bin Zayed, has a majority stake in Football City Group
that controls soccer clubs on four continents, including Manchester City FC.
Israeli
media reports said that the offer was made to club owner Moshe Hogeg.
Mr. Hogeg has
been struggling to confront La Familia, a militant hard right fan group that
has stopped Beitar from hiring Israeli Palestinian players, denounced the contracting
of Muslims, and regularly chants ‘Death to Arabs’ and ‘Death to Muslims’ during
matches.
Mr. Hogeg
last year faced down La Familia who demanded that a new hire, Ali
Mohamed, change his Muslim name, even though he is a Nigerian Christian.
UAE
officials have argued that establishment of diplomatic relations with
Israel stopped the government of Prime Minister Binyamin Netanyahu from
annexing parts of the West Bank, occupied since Israel conquered it in the 1967
Middle East war.
Mr.
Netanyahu said he had suspended, not cancelled his annexation plans.
A UAE stake
in Beitar would take the Gulf state’s soft power ploy to an arena that is both
the Likud’s heartland as well as football that evokes deep-seated passion in a
soccer-crazy country.
Founded
during the period of the British mandate in Palestine to create the ‘New Jew’
who would be able to build and defend the Jewish state, Beitar initially drew
many of its players and fans from Irgun, an extreme nationalist, para-military
Jewish underground group.
Among the
club’s fans were throughout the years right-wing Israeli leaders. Today, they include
Mr. Netanyahu and multiple members of his government.
In
interviews with Israeli media, the Emirati businessmen hinted at the soft power
aspect of the UAE initiative.
“Fanaticism
is rooted in ignorance and fear of the other. If there is a spirit of
tolerance, we can create an atmosphere
of pure friendship between us and others. Sports is an international language
graced with the ability to promote
tolerance and peace between nations and people,” Israeli tv channel Sports
5 quoted him as saying.
The
businessman made no explicit reference to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, but
his remarks appeared to refer to it.
Emiratis
appear to hope that a UAE stake in Beitar will boost the club’s more moderate
fans, weaken its more militant fan base, and help shape a public opinion that
is more willing to compromise with the Palestinians.
They count
on fans like Yitzhak Megamadov who told Al-Monitor
in response to the UAE bid: “I tell our fans to open their hearts and minds and
receive them with open arms. They are our cousins. They want real peace and
solidarity. We have gotten used to knowing about Palestinian Arabs through
terrorist attacks and war. … We need to educate ourselves and change our
perspectives.”
It’s an
approach that worked when Sheikh Mansour bought Manchester City in 2008 in what
critics described as a reputation laundering operation. The English club’s fans
embraced its new cash-flush owners, rejecting human rights activists’ concerns
about the UAE’s regular abuse of human rights.
Winning over
fans is likely to prove a lot easier than changing Israeli policies, something more powerful players like the United States
and Europe have unsuccessfully tried.
The Knesset,
Israel’s parliament, voted down an amendment that would have added equality
for minorities to a controversial law defining Israel’s Jewish character
just days after Israel signed agreements establishing diplomatic relations with
the UAE and Bahrain at the White House.
In other
words, there is little reason to believe that the businessman and the UAE
together with Bahrain can achieve what others did not.
Fact of the
matter is that the carrot of recognition has not helped solve the Palestinian
problem or fundamentally change Israeli policy in the 18 years since Saudi
Arabia first unveiled an Arab peace plan that offered recognition in exchange
for land.
Neither did
the earlier peace treaties between Israel, Egypt, and Jordan, two states that,
unlike the UAE and Bahrain, had and still have a direct stake in the
Israel-Palestine conflict.
Nor did it
stop US President Donald J. Trump from accepting the legitimacy of annexation
of occupied Palestinian land. Mr. Trump has endorsed Israeli annexation of East
Jerusalem as well as the Golan Heights, captured from Syria in 1967.
What an
Emirati stake or acquisition in Beitar will do is enhance Israeli empathy for
the UAE.
Without a
tangible political fallout beneficial to Palestinians, It will also reinforce
critics’ assertion that the UAE is using the Palestinian issue as a fig leaf
for a move that serves Emirati issues with no Palestinian dividend.
The Emiratis
may find that time does not work in their favour. They appear to be playing a
long game on an unstable board that could prove incapable of sustaining it.
A podcast
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Dr. James
M. Dorsey is an award-winning journalist and a senior fellow at Nanyang
Technological University’s S. Rajaratnam School of International Studies in
Singapore. He is also a senior research fellow at the National University of
Singapore’s Middle East Institute and co-director of the University of
Wuerzburg’s Institute of Fan Culture.
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