Saudi moderation: How far will Crown Prince Mohammed go?
No women at the table
By
James M. Dorsey
In
his effort to improve Saudi Arabia’s badly tarnished image and project the
kingdom as embracing an unidentified form of moderate Islam, Saudi Crown Prince
Mohammed bin Salman has hinted that he envisions a conservative rather than an
ultra-conservative society, but not one in which citizens are fully free to
make personal, let alone political choices of their own.
Prince
Mohammed’s vision, although not spelled out in great detail, seemed evident in an
interview
with CBS News’ 60 minutes, his first with a Western television program, on
the eve of a three-week trip that is taking him across the United States.
The
trip
is designed to cement relations with the Trump administration following the
dismissal of Secretary of State Rex Tillerson, who Prince Mohammed and his
United Arab Emirates counterpart, Mohammed bin Zayed, viewed as unenthusiastic
about their hegemonic designs for a swath of land stretching across the Middle
East from the Horn of Africa to South Asia, including the Saudi-UAE-led
ten-month old diplomatic and economic boycott of Qatar.
The
visit comes barely a month before Mr. Trump has to decide whether to pull the
United States out of the 2015
international agreement with Iran designed to curb the Islamic republic’s
nuclear program. A withdrawal could lead to the agreement’s collapse and spark
a nuclear arms race in the Middle East.
“Saudi
Arabia does not want to acquire any nuclear bomb, but without a doubt, if Iran
developed a nuclear bomb, we will follow suit as soon as possible,” Prince
Mohammed, who is locked into existential battle with Iran, told CBS.
It
is also intended to project the kingdom as a beacon of moderation rather than a
promoter of ultra-conservatism and cutting-edge modernity led by a young
reformist but autocratic king-in-waiting.
In
a meeting
in the White House with Donald J, Trump, on the first day of his visit,
both Prince Mohammed and the US president touted the economic benefits of the
two countries’ relationship, with massive US arms sales and other deals,
including nuclear sales that would involve reducing US safeguards by giving the
kingdom the right to enrich uranium. Both leaders asserted that the deals would
significantly boost employment in both Saudi Arabia and the United States.
Besides
Mr. Trump, Prince Mohammed is scheduled to meet members of Congress, think
tanks and academics, oil executives, businessmen and representatives of Silicon
Valley’s high-tech industry and Hollywood.
Both
Prince Mohammed and Mr. Trump need to demonstrate economic progress to boost or
cement their popularity at home. The crown prince needs to demonstrate to
Saudis that he is feted as a leader despite mounting international criticism of
his conduct of the ill-fated, three-year old war in Yemen, his domestic power
and asset grab under the mum of an anti-corruption campaign, the kingdom’s
long-standing severe political and social restrictions, and its four-decade long
global support for ultra-conservative Sunni Islam.
Beyond
concern about the high civilian casualty rate in Yemen and the war having
sparked one of the world’s worst current humanitarian crises, many fear that potentially
destabilizing anti-Saudi sentiment in the ravaged country will persist long
after the guns fall silent.
Those
fears are reinforced by contradictory Saudi measures. While on the one hand pledging
billions of dollars in aid and allowing at least some relief to get into
the country, Saudi Arabia has aggravated the crisis in the country by expelling
tens of thousands of Yemeni workers in recent months.
Prince
Mohammed also needs to demonstrate that he can attract foreign investment
despite the arbitrary nature of the arrest in November of hundreds of senior
members of the ruling Al Saud family, prominent businessmen, and high-ranking
officials, and reports that at least some of them were abused
and tortured during their detention.
Most
of the detainees were released after surrendering control of assets and/or
paying substantial amounts of money. The government said it expects to raise
$100 billion from the asset grab.
Prince
Alwaleed bin Talal, one of the most prominent detainees and the kingdom’s
most-high-profile businessman, who seemed to put up a fight during his
detention, has since his release in January said that he would be investing
in some of Prince Mohammed’s pet projects.
Prince
Mohammed bolstered his image by vowing to return Saudi Arabia to an
unidentified form of moderate Islam; forcing the country’s ultra-conservative
religious establishment to endorse his reforms; suggesting that the kingdom may
halt its massive global funding of Sunni Muslim ultra-conservatism to counter
Iran’s revolutionary zeal; surrendering control of the Saudi-managed Great
Mosque in Brussels; granting women the right to drive, join the military, and
attend male sporting events; and creating a modern entertainment sector.
Despite
the boldness of his moves, Prince Mohammed has sent mixed messages about how
far he is prepared to go. Women and men mix at concerts and theatre plays but
are segregated in the three sport stadiums that have been declared open to
women.
While
the crown prince has been decisive in his power and asset grab, he has yet to
say a clear word about lifting Saudi Arabia’s system of male guardianship that gives
male relatives control of their lives. Similarly, there is no indication that
gender segregation in restaurants and other public places will be lifted.
Asked
about the guardianship, Prince Mohammed evaded specifics. “Today, Saudi women
still have not received their full rights. There are rights stipulated in Islam
that they still don't have. We have come a very long way and have a short way
to go,” he said.
Middle
East Scholar As’ad Abu Khalil, whose blog is named The Angry Arab News Service,
posted a picture of Prince Salman’s meeting with Mr. Trump, noting that there was
not one woman on either side of the conference table.
Speaking
Arabic despite having learnt to speak English by watching movies, Prince
Mohammed appeared in his CBS interview to defend allowing a mingling of the
sexes in the work place while shying away from ultra-conservative Islam's ban
on a man meeting a woman unaccompanied by a male relative in non-professional
or non-public settings.
“We
have extremists who forbid mixing between the two sexes and are unable to
differentiate between a man and a woman alone together and their being together
in a workplace,” Prince Mohammed said.
The
crown prince conceded that women had the right to determine what to wear if
their clothes were “decent, respectful clothing, like men.” He did not define
what would constitute decent but insisted that it did not have to be a “black
abaya or a black head cover.”
No
doubt, Prince Mohammed’s social reforms and promised economic change provide
him significant arrows in his multimillion dollar public relations blitz. That
is getting him the support of the White House.
“Getting
a strong presidential endorsement of the crown prince's trip to the U.S. to
encourage investment in Saudi Arabia, that, I think, could be something that
could be done,” said Anthony
H. Cordesman, the Arleigh A. Burke chair in strategy at the
Washington-based Center for Strategic and International Studies.
Translating
that into real policy and dollars and cent could, however, prove to be a harder
sell.
Dr.
James M. Dorsey is a senior fellow at the S. Rajaratnam School of International
Studies, co-director of the University of Würzburg’s Institute for Fan Culture,
and co-host of the New Books in
Middle Eastern Studies podcast. James is the author of The Turbulent World of Middle East Soccer blog, a book with the same title as well
as Comparative
Political Transitions between Southeast Asia and the Middle East and North
Africa,
co-authored with Dr. Teresita Cruz-Del Rosario, Shifting Sands, Essays on Sports and
Politics in the Middle East and North Africa, and
the forthcoming China
and the Middle East: Venturing into the Maelstrom
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