Crisis in the Maldives: A geopolitical chess game
Credit: Siddhant Gupta / The Print
By James M. Dorsey
The outcome of a power struggle in the Maldives that has
sparked declaration of an emergency, military control of parliament, and
arrests of senior figures, is likely to shape the geopolitical designs of
China, India, the United States and Saudi Arabia at a strategic interface of
the Indian Ocean and the Arabian Sea.
The struggle between authoritarian president Abdulla Yameen
and exiled former president and onetime political prisoner Mohamed Nasheed, a
staunch critic of Chinese and Saudi interests, has a direct bearing on the future
of the two countries’ significant investment that has already reshaped the archipelago’s
social and political life.
The struggle also involves Maumoon Abdul Gayoom, the
politician who served longest as the country’s leader, Mr. Gayoom’s son-in-law,
Mohamed Nadheem, and senior figures in the judiciary, including Chief Justice
Abdulla Saeed. All were detained last week on charges of corruption and
attempting to overthrow the government.
Mr. Yameen, in what United
Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights Zeid Ra'ad al-Hussein dubbed an "all-out
assault on democracy," declared the state of emergency after the Supreme
Court ordered the release from prison of opposition politicians and their
retrial. The state emergency, gives the government sweeping powers to make
arrests, search and seize property, and restrict freedom of assembly.
The court ruling appeared to enhance Mr. Nasheed’s chances
of challenging Mr. Yameen in elections scheduled for later this year by giving the
opposition a majority in the country's legislative assembly.
Politics in the Maldives, a strategically located 820-kilometre-long
chain of atolls with a population of 420,000 that is best known as a tourism
hotspot threatened with demise by climate change, are convoluted. Mr. Gayoom is
Mr. Yameen’s half-brother and opposed to the president together with Mr.
Nasheed, who unseated Mr. Gayoom in the country's first democratic elections in
2008.
Mr. Yameen, who came to power in 2013 in a disputed election
that opponents say was rigged and has since been accused of eroding democracy, allowing
Islamic militancy to flourish, cracking down on dissent and jailing opposition
leaders, has been amenable to Chinese and Saudi interests that analysts believe
could lead to the establishment of military bases in the archipelago.
China sees the islands as a node in its “string of pearls” –
a row of ports on key trade and oil routes linking the Middle Kingdom to the
Middle East – while for Saudi Arabia, the atolls also have the advantage of
lying a straight three-hour shot from the coast of regional rival and arch-foe,
Iran.
The possible building of Chinese and/or Saudi military bases
in the Maldives would complement the independent development of both nations’
military outposts in Djibouti, an East African nation on a key energy export
route at the mouth of the Red Sea.
They “want to have a base in the Maldives that would
safeguard trade routes – their oil routes – to their new markets. To have
strategic installations, infrastructure,” Mr.
Nasheed charged last year.
The United States. through its Sri Lanka-based ambassador,
and India have primarily sought to counter China’s growing influence by pressuring
on Mr. Yameen to adhere to democratic principles. Mr. Nasheed was in the Sri
Lankan capital of Colombo when the state of emergency was declared and like
incarcerated Judge Saeed, who was appointed by Mr. Nasheed, has maintained
contact with Indian authorities.
Mr. Yameen’s election in 2013 derailed negotiations with the
United States for a Status of Forces Agreement (SOFA), that would have tightened
military cooperation with the Maldives and given the US military greater access
to the archipelago. A return to power by Mr. Nasheed, who in 2009 became the
Maldives’ first democratically elected president, would have likely revived the
negotiations.
Mr. Yameen, in a further turn towards China, in 2016
withdrew the Maldives from the Commonwealth of Nations after the association of
former British colonies threatened to suspend it for chipping away at
democratic institutions.
Saudi Arabia sees its soft power in the Maldives as a way of
convincing China it is the kingdom rather than Iran that is the key link in China’s
Belt and Road initiative that aims to link Eurasia to the People’s Republic through
Chinese-funded infrastructure.
Saudi Arabia, to lay the ground for the investment, has in
recent years funded religious institutions in the Maldives and offered
scholarships for students wanting to pursue religious studies at the kingdom’s
ultra-conservative universities in the holy cities of Mecca and Medina.
The funding has pushed the Maldives towards greater
intolerance and public piety. Public partying, mixed dancing and Western beach
garb have become acceptable only within expensive tourist resorts.
The Maldives is, moreover, believed to have contributed more
Islamic State fighters in Syria and Iraq on a per-capita
basis than any
other country that was not a party to the conflicts.
The Saudis, despite being bitterly opposed to the Islamic State,
have had, according to Mr. Nasheed, “a good run of propagating their world view
to the people of the Maldives and they’ve done that for the last three decades.
They’ve now, I think, come to the view that they have enough sympathy to get a
foothold.”
Messrs. Nasheed and Gayoom have urged India to intervene to
force Mr. Yameen to release the judges and other political prisoners. Mr.
Nasheed went a step further by calling on India to deploy a "physical
presence" in the archipelago. India, which rarely intervenes in the
affairs of foreign countries, helped put down an attempted coup in the Maldives
in the 1980s.
In a statement, India advised Mr. Yameen to abide by the
rule of law. "In the spirit of democracy and rule of law, it is imperative
for all organs of the Government of Maldives to respect and abide by the order
of the court," the statement said.
The US State Department charged that "President Yameen
has systematically alienated his coalition, jailed or exiled every major
opposition political figure, deprived elected members of parliament of their
right to represent their voters in the legislature, revised laws to erode human
rights... and weakened the institutions of government."
Mr. Yameen, backed by China and Saudi Arabia, and in the
absence of more strident Indian and/or US action, is likely to maintain the
upper hand. He appears to enjoy the support of his military and police despite
the sacking
of the police commission immediately after the declaration of the state of
emergency. To drive the point home, state television showed pictures of
military and police officers pledging to sacrifice their lives "in the
defense of the lawful government."
Dr.
James M. Dorsey is a senior fellow at the S. Rajaratnam School of International
Studies, co-director of the University of Würzburg’s Institute for Fan Culture,
and co-host of the New Books in
Middle Eastern Studies podcast. James is the author of The Turbulent World of Middle East Soccer blog, a book with the same title as well
as Comparative
Political Transitions between Southeast Asia and the Middle East and North
Africa,
co-authored with Dr. Teresita Cruz-Del Rosario, Shifting Sands, Essays on Sports and
Politics in the Middle East and North Africa, and
the forthcoming China
and the Middle East: Venturing into the Maelstrom
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