Qatari backtracking on labour rights and cooperation with Russia reflects new world order
Vladimir Putin gives Sheikh Tamim a falcon
By James M. Dorsey
A Qatari decision to backtrack on minimal improvements of
the terms of employment of migrant workers, who account for a majority of the
Gulf state’s population, and a Qatari investment in Russian oil company Rosneft
PJSC, symbolize the emergence of a new global power structure with the rise of
populists in the United States and Europe, and Russia projecting itself as a
key player on the world stage.
The message is that countries like Qatar that has been under
pressure to clean up its human rights act in the wake of winning hosting rights
for the 2022 World Cup no longer feel the need to at least pay lip service to
human rights and trade union activists clamouring for an end to kafala, the labour
sponsorship system that puts employees at the mercy of their employers.
Similarly, the Qatar Investment Authority’s decision to
invest $5 billion in Rosneft as part of a $10.6 billion deal that also involved
Glencore Plc had as much to do with geopolitics as with economics. Qatar saw
the investment as a way to strengthen political links with Russia as well as
develop new business opportunities.
The deal was remarkable for a country that uses investment
as a tool to forge relations. Russia and Qatar have not been the closest of
friends. Russia suspects Qatar of supporting militant Islamist and jihadist
groups in Syria and of having done so earlier in Chechnya when Russia was
battling Chechen Islamists there. Russian agents in 2004 assassinated Chechen rebel
leader Zelimkhan Yandarbiyev in the Qatari capital of Doha.
A statement after a recent phone call between Russian
President Vladimir Putin and Qatari emir Tamim bin Hamad Al Thani as Russian
warplanes bombarded Aleppo said the two leaders had discussed ways to “further
promote political, trade, economic and humanitarian cooperation.” The statement
made no mention of Syria.
All of this is not to say that Qatar is switching allegiances.
Dealing with Russia is hedging its bets in recognition of the bear’s rise and
the rise of populists in the West willing to deal with Russia. At the same time,
Qatar has said it is committed to investing more than $35 billion in the US
over the next five years, including $10 billion in infrastructure. “A
significant part of Qatar’s economic portfolio is its robust relationship with
the United States,” said Qatari businessman Muhammad Al Misned in a Forbes
magazine op-ed.
Qatar’s hedging of its bets comes as it together with other
backers of Syrian rebels opposed to President Bashar al-Assad suffered severe
setbacks because of Russian backing for the Syrian leader and the fall of
Aleppo, the rebels’ last urban stronghold. The Russian-backed Syrian advances
have left Qatar, Turkey and Saudi Arabia with few good options to shape the
battlefield by funding and arming the rebels.
The rise of Russia and the populists appears to have
emboldened Qatar to backtrack on pledges it made to reform, if not eliminate
the kafala system in response to pressure from human rights and trade union activists
using the Guf state’s World Cup hosting rights as leverage. In a move that has
undermined whatever confidence existed in Qatar’s sincerity and willingness to
work with its critics, Tamim backtracked on the easing of exit visa
restrictions for migrant workers two weeks after a long-heralded law was
enacted making changes to the controversial system.
The law introduced an automated system operated by the
interior ministry to streamline exit visas and remove the power of employers by
taking away from them the right to decide whether a worker could leave the
country or not. Tamim overruled the law in early January by stipulating that
workers would have to inform their recruiter.
In response, Human Rights Watch charged that “changes to the
labour law that took effect in 2016 will not protect migrant workers from the
serious abuses that characterize Qatar’s construction industry and other
low-paid sectors of its economy… Migrant workers will not be able to switch
employers, even if the workers experience abuse, and will still need their
employer’s permission to leave the country.”
Qatar’s backtracking followed a victory in a Swiss court by
world soccer body FIFA that has direct impact on the debate over the Gulf state’s
labour regime. The court rejected a request by the Netherlands Trade Union
Confederation (FNV) and two Bangladeshi unions that it rule against FIFA’s
awarding of the World Cup to Qatar without first demanding assurances about
“fundamental human and labour rights of migrant construction workers, including
the abolition of the kafala system.”
The court decision coupled with the rise of populists who
have less concern for human rights is likely to diminish FIFA’s already weak
resolve to pressure Qatar to fundamentally reform if not abolish kafala. FIFA
president Gianni Infantino nonetheless insisted last month that "we will
put pressure, we will continue to do that."
The turning tide could prompt activists to attempt to step
up pressure on Qatar with calls for boycotts. The Washington-based Alliance for
Workers Against Repression Everywhere (AWARE) said last month that it was
stepping up efforts to persuade travellers from Boston and other US cities to
avoid flying on Qatar's state-owned airline because of what it alleges are
human rights violations by Qatar as well as Qatar Airways. AWARE has used
billboard ads in US cities serviced by Qatar Airways, op-ed pieces and social
media to urge travellers to boycott the airline.
Dr. James M.
Dorsey is a senior fellow at the S. Rajaratnam School of International Studies,
co-director of the University of Würzburg’s Institute for Fan Culture, and the
author of The Turbulent World
of Middle East Soccer
blog, a recently published book with the same title, and also just published
Comparative Political Transitions
between Southeast Asia and the Middle East and North Africa, co-authored with Dr. Teresita Cruz-Del Rosario.
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