Taksim is not (yet) Tahrir
Thousands of soccer fans march towards Taksim
Almost a week of countrywide protests in Turkey have left an
indelible mark on the country’s political landscape: broad discontent with the
policies of Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan’s policies and increasing
haughtiness bubbled to the surface; militant soccer fans thousands of whom
joined the Taksim Square protests united and were politicized; and the role
police force plays in solidifying opposition groups and resolve was highlighted.
Mr. Erdogan’s intransigence and hard-handed police attempts
to suppress the protest with tear gas and water cannons swelled the ranks of
the demonstrators and turned a demand for perseverance of a 75-year old
Istanbul park into a massive call for the prime minister’s resignation.
Thousands of militant fans of Istanbul’s three rival soccer clubs led by the
left-wing, most politicized of the support groups Carsi, the ultras’ of
Besiktas JK, joined forces for the first time in 30 years as they march to
Taksim Square. So did rival soccer fans in other cities.
Comparisons between Taksim and Cairo’s Tahrir Square that has
come to symbolize the ability of the street to topple a government are
tempting. To be sure, there are superficial similarities but these are outstripped
by the differences. The two square share the unification of rival soccer fans
with a history of fighting one another; the occupation of a main city square;
the protesters’ slogan: Erdogan, istifa! or Erdogan resign in imitation of
Egypt’s Mubarak irhal! or Mubarak leave!; the violent police crackdown; and the
ultimate at least partial government backdown.
But unlike mass demonstrations that toppled leaders in North
African nations, the protests in Turkey are against a democratically elected
leader who has won three elections with a respectable majority, presided over a
period of significant economic growth and repositioned his country as a
regional power with global ambitions. They also occurred in contrast to Arab
countries in a country that despite all its warts is democratic and has a strongly
developed, vociferous civil society.
The Taksim protests in the week that Istanbul celebrated its
capture by the Ottomans 560 years ago have sent Mr. Erdogan an unambigious
message: discontent with the prime minister’s authoritarian streak, the Turkish
government’s support of Sunni Muslim rebels in Syria, increasing government
control of large chunks of the media and attempts to stifle independent
reporting and commentary, and suspicion that he is attempting to Islamize
public life is mounting. The protests constitute a warning that maintenance of
his style of government could as yet turn Taksim into Tahrir.
A decision by the diverse, uncoordinated groups that came
together on Taksim not to occupy the square and build a semi-permanent tent
camp to press their demands for reversal of their demands for preservation of
the park that is to be replaced by a shopping mall, an apology by the police
for its heavy handed use of force and resignation of the Erdogan government has
taken the wind out of the protests. The momentum has temporarily shifted in favor
of Mr. Erdogan but to retain it Turks will have to see a real change in his
style of governing. Mr. Erdogan benefits from the fact that with no soccer
league matches scheduled for the foreseeable future, stadiums, a traditional
protest venue in a soccer-crazy country, militant soccer fans are deprived of
their natural organizing grounds.
Despite this, major questions remain that need to be addressed
and answered to prevent soccer fans and thousands of others from returning to
Taksim and other city squares across Turkey. Will Mr. Erdogan back off his
plans to redevelop Taksim that has already led to the shutting down of the
square’s historic bakery, Inci Pastanesi, and its iconic Emek Theater? Mr. Erdogan
responded to this week’s Gezi Part protest by saying the government would push
ahead with its Gezi Park plan “no matter what they do.” The prime minister warned that he could put 100 people on the street for every anti-government protester.
For much of the week, events on Taksim and in other Turkish
cities were underrreported in much of the media in Turkey, which ranks high on
the list of media-unfriendly countries according to the number of incarcerated journalists.
The government strengthened in May its grip on the media with its takeover from
financially troubled Cukurova holding television stations and Digiturk pay-tv.
The underreporting was allegedly after government phone calls to various media.
The explosion of discontent allowed secularists with the
opposition Republican People’s Party (CHP) in the lead to turn the protests
into alleged Islamization of society. Secularists point to this month’s new
restriction on the sale and consumption of alcohol and the naming of a third,
controversial Istanbul bridge that spans the Bosporus as the Yavuz Sultan Selim
or Selim the Grim Bridge in honor of the Ottoman sultan widely blamed for the
massacre of Alevis in the early 16th century. Alevis, accounting for
an estimated 20 percent of the population, although distinct from Syrian
President Bashar al-Assad’s Alawite community see Mr. Erdogan’s support for
Syria’s Sunni Muslim rebels has further disregard of their concerns and have
tapped into widespread popular dislike of the government’s anti-Bashar policy.
An interior ministry investigation into the police’s
crackdown on Taksim ordered by Mr. Erdogan will also have to clarify whether
the crackdown reflected the split between the prime minister and Fethullalh
Gulen, who is also opposed to unrestricted Turkish support for the Syrian
rebels. Mr. Gulen, a powerful, self-exiled, Pennsylvania-based cleric, is
believed to wield considerable influence within the police force.
The two men have clashed in the past year over measures to
prevent match-fixing after Turkey was rocked by a major match-fixing scandal.
Mr. Erdogan defeated Mr. Gulen’s attempts to ensure harsh penalties which would
have weakened the prime minister’s grip and potentially strengthened the clerics
influence in Fenerbahce FC, which has a fan base of millions.
“Erdogan is smarter than the Egyptians. He lets people
demonstrate. He caters to the rights of
the religious and the Kurds to garner votes and ignores the secularists. The
fans are largely secular. This week’s demonstrations have shown that one can
stand against the government and that soccer fans can work together. Things
will settle for a few weeks. But Erdogan is on notice,” said a soccer fan as he
marched against the government in Izmir.
James M. Dorsey is a senior fellow at the S. Rajaratnam
School of International Studies, director of the University of Würzburg’s
Institute of Fan Culture, and the author of The Turbulent World of Middle East
Soccer blog.
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