Qatar World Cup: An unintended boon for the UAE
By James M. Dorsey
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Qatar's 2022 World Cup promises to benefit not only itself but also to provide an unintended economic, political, and religious soft power boon for its foremost rival in the region, the United Arab Emirates.
The UAE,
alongside Saudi Arabia, leads a pack of Gulf states eager to capitalize on the
expectation that Qatar will not have the hotel
capacity to
accommodate an anticipated one million visitors in November and December during
the tournament.
However, the
UAE stands to benefit the most not just economically but also politically and
in terms of its religious soft power, even if Saudi Arabia is doing what it can
to play catch up.
Various
Gulf states have eased visa
regulations and immigration procedures in the expectation that they will be housing fans who will
shuttle to Qatar aboard some 90 extra matchday flights to attend games.
Almost half
of those flights will originate in the UAE. Fans are likely to gravitate
towards the UAE, the most liberal of the Gulf states, rather than Saudi Arabia,
where alcohol and extramarital and gay sex not only remain banned, but laws are
perceived to be harshly enforced.
In
anticipation, Dubai, already home to a large number of hotels, announced the
launch of its first football-themed 533-room hotel built on an artificial, palm-shaped
island. For its part, Saudi Arabia is offering fans a multiple entry visa and
planning a festival in a bid to be competitive. The Saudi Tourism Authority
says it expects to welcome 30,000 World Cup visitors.
Known as a
party city, Dubai will likely benefit most from Qatar's shortage of hotel beds
and the uncertainty, less than three months before the World Cup kicks off, about
the ease with which fans will be able to consume alcohol and how the Gulf Qatar
will deal with unmarried or gay couples.
With
premarital and gay banned in Qatar, Qatari officials have insisted that LGBT
fans would be welcome during the World Cup but would be expected to respect
norms that frown on public expressions of affection irrespective of sexual
orientation.
The unspoken
implication was that Qatar would look the other way if couples, irrespective of
marital status or sexual orientation, kept their affection private.
It's an
implication that was never fully spelled out in ways that leave no ambiguity,
partly to avoid provoking a conservative backlash. As a result, Qatar’s ‘live
and let live” approach raises as many questions as it provides answers.
To a significant
extent, these issues, in contrast to Saudi Arabia and other Gulf states, do not
arise in the UAE, which has substantially eased access to alcohol n recent
years and lifted a ban on unmarried heterosexual couples living together.
The Emirati
social reforms are likely to make visitors more confident that the UAE may not
enforce its ban on gay sex.
However, the
UAE, like Saudi Arabia, recently banned Lightyear, a Disney and Pixar animated
production, because of a same-sex kiss scene, and Disney's Doctor Strange in
the Universe of Madness, in
which one character refers to her "two mums."
The ban
appeared to contradict the government’s announcement in late 2021 that it would
end the
censorship of films.
The country’s Media Regulatory Office said it would introduce a 21+ age viewer
classification policy instead. However, that wasn't evident when the office
tweeted an image of
Lightyear, crossed out with a red line.
For his
part, Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman has introduced considerable social
change in the kingdom by lifting the ban on women's driving, enhancing women's
rights and opportunities, and creating a Western-style entertainment sector.
Still, the changes fall far short of the reforms in the UAE.
As part of
his development of the entertainment sector, Mr. Bin Salman has also sought to
use the kingdom’s financial muscle to barnstorm Saudi Arabia into replacing
Qatar and the UAE as
the Gulf's sports hubs.
However, going
to extremes to strike a balance amid a push to encourage tourism, authorities
in the kingdom launched “rainbow
raids” in June on
shops selling children’s toys and accessories.
They
targeted clothing and toys, including hair clips, pop-its, t-shirts, bows,
skirts, hats, and colouring pencils "that contradict the Islamic faith and
public morals and promote homosexual colours that target the younger
generation," according to a commerce ministry official.
As part of
his development of the entertainment sector, Mr. Bin Salman has also sought to
use the kingdom’s financial muscle to barnstorm Saudi Arabia in replacing Qatar
and, to a lesser degree, the UAE as the Gulf's sports hub.
The Emirates’
liberalization was designed to enhance the country’s quest to attract foreign
talent and project itself as a beacon of religious moderation, even if the
changes involve social rather than religious change.
The
distinction is not academic, with the UAE competing with other Muslim-majority
states such as Saudi Arabia, Qatar, Turkey, Iran, and Indonesia, for
acknowledgment as a benchmark of a moderate form of Islam that would allow it
to shape the faith and the political order in the Middle East in the 21st
century.
In contrast
to Indonesia, where religious reform is driven by Nahadlatul Ulama, the world's
largest independent Muslim grassroots organization in the world's largest
Muslim-majority country and democracy, change in the Middle East is pushed by
ruling elites eager to perpetuate their grip on power.
“The reality
is that dictators…throughout the Middle East, including the UAE's (President)
Mohammed bin Zayed and Saudi Arabia's Mohammed bin Salman, harness Islam and
state-sponsored Islamic scholars to maintain their grip on political power,”
said Islam scholar Usamaa Al-Azmi.
Even so, Qatar’s
shortcomings have created for the UAE and, to a lesser extent, other Gulf
states like Saudi Arabia that are not co-hosting the World Cup an opportunity
to share the tournament’s limelight and put their best foot forward while
camouflaging their warts and ensuring that it is Qatar that primarily catches
the flak.
Dr. James M. Dorsey is an award-winning
journalist and scholar, an Adjunct Senior Fellow at Nanyang Technological
University’s S. Rajaratnam School of International Studies, and the author of
the syndicated column and blog, The
Turbulent World of Middle East Soccer.
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