The Gulf crisis has lessons for Vladimir Putin. Not all may work in his favour
By James M.
Dorsey
The Ukraine
crisis may constitute a
more impactful, historic watershed than the 1989 fall of the Berlin wall in
the mind of Singapore Foreign Affairs Minister Vivian Balakrishnan.
Russia’s
invasion of Ukraine is “perhaps even a bigger moment than the fall of the
Berlin Wall,” Mr. Balakrishnan said.
“We believe
we are at an inflection point,” he added. “Little Singapore is standing up for
principles and expressing a hope for the rules of engagement for this new era.”
In a break
with diplomatic tradition, Singapore joined Western nations in sanctioning
Russia, the first Southeast Asian nation to do so in the absence of a United
Nations Security Council resolution.
Mr.
Balakrishnan may well be right even if the Berlin wall sparked the end of
communism as an ideology rather than a power-driven political system, while
Ukraine is likely to take Russia out of the race for global power in an
emerging bi- or multipolar world order.
Despite the
characterisation of the Ukraine crisis as one that pits democracy against
autocracy and the fact that the vast majority of nations that have taken action
against Russia happen to be democracies, the stakes in the crisis are really
about adherence to international law irrespective of a country’s political
system.
That is
evident in the diddling of countries like China, India, and the United Arab
Emirates that have tried to straddle a middle ground. So have Israel and Turkey,
exploiting their attempts to mediate an end to the Ukraine crisis.
China has
struggled to uphold its long-standing principle of rejection of the
interference in the affairs of others with its close partnership with Russia
that was further cemented during a visit
to Beijing in early February by Russian President Vladimir Putin.
UAE Crown
Prince Mohammed bin Zayed told Mr. Putin in a March 1 phone call, on the back
of Emirati interference in multiple countries, including Libya and Yemen, that “Russia
has a right to ensure national security.” Mr. Bin Zayed was referring to
Russia’s invasion of Ukraine.
Short of the
war, the destruction, and the massive loss of life, Ukraine is in many ways
similar to the Gulf crisis in which the UAE, together with Saudi Arabia, led a 3.5-year-long
economic and diplomatic boycott of Qatar that, like the Russian invasion, was
designed to hollow out the sovereignty of a neighbouring state.
Russia’s
invasion constitutes the third time in a decade after the 2017-2021 Gulf crisis
and the 2014 Russian annexation of Crimea that autocratic states have sought to
ignore international law and brutally impose their will on a neighbour.
In that
sense, Mr. Balakrishnan’s equation of the invasion with the Berlin wall hits
the nail on the head. It also suggests that failure to act immediately to stop
violations of international law opens the door to ever more egregious trespassings,
including massive violations of human rights.
The
analogies between the Ukraine and Gulf crises are most evident in the demands
put forward in both incidents.
Like the UAE
and Saudi Arabia, Russia has put maximalist demands on the table that would
subject Ukraine to its foreign, defense, and domestic policies and bend the
North Atlantic Treaty Organisation (NATO) to its will.
At the time,
the UAE and Saudi Arabia demanded that Qatar cut its ties to Islamists, shutter
the free-wheeling Al Jazeera television network, expel Turkish troops, and
effectively break relations with Iran.
Similarly,
Russia demands that NATO withdraw from member states on Russia’s borders and
that Ukraine halt its resistance to the invasion, alter its constitution to
ensure that Ukraine cannot become a member of the European Union and/or NATO,
and recognise Russia's annexation of Crimea and the Russia-supported breakaway
republics of Donetsk and Lugansk.
Qatari
resilience in rejecting the UAE-Saudi demands and its ability to compensate for
the fallout of the boycott ultimately persuaded the two states to drop their
demands and lift the embargo in January 2021.
In what
appears to be a manoeuvre similar to Ukrainian President
Volodymyr Zelenskyy’s recognition that Ukraine is unlikely to become a NATO
member and may not want to do so given NATO’s refusal to impose a no-fly
zone, Qatar at the time quietly made concessions that fell far short of
Emirati-Saudi demands and did not fundamentally alter the Gulf state’s
policies.
Islamists,
including members of the Muslim Brotherhood, were asked to relocate to Istanbul
and London while Al Jazeera toned down its more critical coverage of the UAE
and Saudi Arabia.
Virtually
absent in this week's Al Jazeera newscasts was any reporting of the execution
of 81 people in the kingdom, many of them Shiite activists. However, the Al
Jazeera English website did report the executions. They are believed to
have prompted Iran’s
suspension of Iraqi-sponsored talks with Saudi Arabia designed to reduce
tensions between the two regional rivals.
The failure
of the Saudi-UAE-led boycott may have shown the limits of their power, but
ending it without the ability to claim success did not threaten the survival of
the two countries' rulers. However, finding a face-saving solution to the
Ukraine crisis that ultimately does not endanger the position of Mr. Putin
could prove a lot more complicated.
The
international community and Qatar were willing to give Mr. Bin Zayed and his
Saudi counterpart, Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman, a pass. That luxury is
unlikely to be accorded to Mr. Putin.
To watch a video version of this story please click here.
A podcast version is available on Soundcloud, Itunes, Spotify, Stitcher, TuneIn, Spreaker, Pocket Casts, Tumblr, Podbean, Audecibel, Patreon, and Castbox.
Dr. James M. Dorsey is an award-winning journalist and
scholar, a Senior Fellow at the National University of Singapore’s Middle East
Institute and Adjunct Senior Fellow at Nanyang Technological University’s S.
Rajaratnam School of International Studies, and the author of the syndicated
column and blog, The
Turbulent World of Middle East Soccer.
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