Middle East Report

 

James discusses this week’s Middle East developments on Radio Islam.

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Transcript

[Anchor] 7.43am it is, Central African time, you're listening to Radio Islam International, live from our studios in Durban for this morning, on this Friday morning, and roundabout quarter to two is our time for the Middle East Report, and joining us is James M. Dorsey, award-winning scholar and journalist with a different perspective on the Middle East. Remember, you can subscribe to James' newsletter and blog, The Turbulent World of Middle East Soccer, and visit his website jamesmdorsey.substack.com to get a perspective of James' thoughts and his articles and opinions on matters coming out of the Middle East and the greater world. Well, James, good day to you. Thank you for joining us.

{James M. Dorsey} As always, a pleasure to be with you on this Friday morning.

[Anchor} James, US President Donald Trump, in addition to the other issues he's addressing at home, this time, you know what, on an anti-Somalia rant, but nonetheless, turning the screws on Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu as policy towards Israel, and the Middle East emerges as a main fault line, or the main fault line, in the President's Make America Great MAGA support base.

I mean, that base itself is a divided base, you know, nonetheless, although it may have one rallying point, and that's the President himself. In recent days, Mr. Trump has nudged Mr. Netanyahu to abide by the Gaza ceasefire, facilitate the surrender of trapped Hamas fighters, refrain from attacks in Syria, and engage in negotiations with Lebanon, as opposed to airstrikes which have plagued that area for, renewed thereof. Your thoughts on that, James?

[James M. Dorsey] Indeed. In addition to pressure exerted regarding Gaza, Syria, and Lebanon, Trump is keenly aware that Israel constitutes the last fault line in white nationalist domination of his Make America Great Again support base. The Make America Great Again crowd has already adopted four of the far-right's five key principles, including reducing immigration to preserve white dominance, a perception of relations between whites and non-whites, and Christians and non-Christians as a zero-sum game, the ranking of Americans according to race, religion, and how far back they can trace their ancestors' presence in the country, and identity politics.

Meanwhile, Western and Arab diplomats expect the Trump administration to announce the composition of a Palestinian committee made up of non-affiliated Gazans that would run the Strip's day-to-day affairs in advance of Benjamin Netanyahu's visit to Washington at the end of this month, summoning the Prime Minister for a fifth White House discussion, shifting attitudes in the President's support base, and pressure from his increasingly important Saudi and other Gulf allies suggests that Trump and Netanyahu's forthcoming meeting could mark a milestone.

[Anchor] James, moving back, I mean, all those years ago, 24 years ago, this is the premise of our next question, with regards to the September 11th, the 9-11 attacks, now there is a straight line that connects Osama bin Laden's alleged destruction of multiculturalism with the destruction of the 9-11 towers years ago, and mainstream racism, particularly in the form of Islamophobia and anti-Semitism. Many writers would suggest that there was an important catalyst, it was the turning point where the country, and many in the Western world for that matter, saw a rise in Islamophobia, anti-Semitism, various forms of racism, and it shattered this multicultural dream that many, who the world refers to sometimes as liberals, had already in a post-modern world. Your thoughts on that?

[James M. Dorsey] Well, what started with 9-11 has become government policy in multiple Western democracies, with France backed by the United Arab Emirates and Saudi Arabia seeking to define what constitutes moderate Islam, and regulating how Muslims should dress. Donald Trump this week took such policies a step further, after an Afghan national shot two West Virginia National Guard people in Washington, killing one. He cast all Afghan migrants as suspects, ordered the review of green cards issued to nationals of 19 countries, half of them Muslim-majority nations, and halted the issuing of visas for citizens of all third world countries.

In addition, he launched an all-out racist attack on the Somali community in the United States, and Somalia as a country, calling them garbage. Meanwhile, the Make America Great Again crowd struggles to come to grips with rising anti-Semitism in its ranks, fuelled by Israel's conduct of the Gaza War, and perceptions of Israel's oversized influence in American policymaking and a divergence of US and Israeli interests.

[Anchor] James, coming back to matters related to the Middle East directly mired in financial crises. Now, the Houthis, the group of course, the Houthis in Yemen, resuming threats to Saudi Arabia. Saudi Arabia was practically well involved in the strikes against the Houthis a number of years back, they and the Emiratis in particular.

They had stopped the actual military incursions and the military strikes, but once again, the Houthis seemed to be threatening Saudi Arabia.

[James M. Dorsey] Since halting their attacks on international shipping after the Gaza ceasefire took effect in November, the Houthis have stepped up their verbal attacks against Saudi Arabia. They have accused the Kingdom of collaborating with Israel and threatened to resume cross-border attacks if Saudi Arabia does not lift its economic blockade of Houthi-controlled areas of Yemen. Houthis need the lifting to address an economic crisis.

Israeli strikes have damaged ports and Houthi-controlled businesses. In addition, US sanctions are having an effect. The Houthis hope that their threats will persuade the Saudis to pay public sector salaries in Houthi-controlled areas, something that was part of peace talks that have stalled and would provide relief.

The Houthis' stepped-up rhetoric raises the spectre of renewed hostilities.

[Anchor] Meanwhile, increased tensions with Yemen, are sharpening the divide between Saudi and United Arab Emirates policies in Yemen.

[James M. Dorsey] Differences between Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates over crises in Yemen and Sudan are becoming more pronounced. In Washington last month, Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman urged Trump to mediate between the Saudi-backed Sudanese Armed Forces and the rebel UAE-supported Rapid Support Forces.

In Yemen, the UAE backs the Southern Transitional Council, which wants South Yemen to secede from the Houthi-controlled north of the country, while Saudi Arabia prefers to see Yemen remain united, and has signalled that it could accept Houthi rule. The Council this week moved into the resource-rich Hadhramaut region of Yemen. In response, Saudi officials visited Hadhramaut, calling for a withdrawal of the Council's forces.

With Council forces seeking to take control of an oil company that exploits two of Hadhramaut's oil fields, the risk is that developments in the region could shatter Yemen's de facto lull in the fighting.

[Anchor] James M. Dorsey, thank you for your time this morning of the year for us in South Africa. Have a good rest of your weekend, James.

[James M. Dorsey] Thank you for having me, and I wish you all the best.